Indian designs

This article appeared in Republica on September 30, 2015.
http://myrepublica.com/opinion/story/28979/indian-designs.html


The promulgation of Nepal's Constitution-2072 should have brought joy in the face of all Nepalis as it marks the end of a wrenching political transition. Instead, the statute spawned strife and unrest. Life in Tarai has been crippled for more than 50 days with never ending strikes. Even after repeated calls for dialogue by the Big Three, Madheshi leaders have been inflexible in their stance and have continued with agitations.
However, signs of the end of stalemate are appearing as representatives of the Big Three are holding backchannel dialogue with disgruntled forces and have agreed to amend the constitution to address their demands. But Madheshi leaders have now started saying that the constitution has to be rewritten all over.

No constitution can ever be perfect or able to address all demands. Nepal's new constitution is no different. But it is a document of compromise and has tried to address the grievances of all groups. Although their demands are unclear, it appears that Madheshis have been seeking changes in federal delineation, citizenship policy and electoral constituency on the basis of population. However, a careful reading of the constitution shows that these demands have been more or less addressed.

The discourse of federalism was established in Nepal after the Madhesh Uprising in 2007. Since the new constitution has enshrined federalism, Madheshis should have been happy with the victory of their agenda. In fact, they now even have an ethnic province although the constitution didn't envision ethnicity-based provinces. Province 2 is an economically strong province with multiple industries, arable land, and custom offices. Moreover, top leaders of Big Three have assured that there can be changes in state delineation as per the recommendations of the Federal Commission to be established soon.

Even if propagandists have excoriated citizenship policy in the new constitution, it is not discriminatory. Citizenship will be granted to a person whose father 'or' mother is a Nepali citizen. Madheshi leaders have been saying that the constitution forbids citizenship to a person whose father is a foreigner. But the statute has the provision of granting naturalized citizenship to such a person (Article 11, Clause 5). Whereas the demand of immediate citizenship to a foreign man marrying a Nepali woman is concerned, it cannot be fulfilled. Such a person has to spend a stipulated period in the country before becoming eligible for citizenship, as per the federal law.

Citizenship policy had to be made a bit rigid because around 400,000 Indians have already taken advantage of the lax provisions in the Interim Constitution and received Nepali citizenship. Now the Madheshi leaders are demanding that freshly arrived naturalized citizens too should be eligible to hold seats of power. India has backed Madhesh agitation on this agenda in its bid to make Nepal another Fiji.

Madheshi leaders' accusation that the reduction of electoral constituencies is a ploy of hill elites to decrease their representation holds no water. This reduction will be applied in hill areas as well and with the amendment in the constitution, constituencies based on population and geography will be arranged.

Besides this constitutional address of Madheshi demands, the government has fulfilled immediate demands of Madheshi forces as well. The demands of compensation to the dead and wounded and withdrawal of the army to the barracks have been fulfilled. As they know that all their demands have been addressed in one or the other way, Madheshi leaders now have started saying that the government should honor past agreements. It appears that their ultimate aim is to have Madheshis who will be loyal to India in key positions. India is learnt to have pressured top leaders to continue with Ram Baran Yadav as the President or have another Madheshi as the future President.

That is why Madheshis don't want any solution to the crisis. By asking to honor past agreements and rewrite the constitution, their motive is to reiterate the old single province (one Madhesh, one Pradesh) demand in Tarai. Their Indian masters seem to have instructed them to prolong the strife to have this demand fulfilled. India has taken keen interest in Madhesh agitation as a long-term strategy of gobbling up Tarai.

At the behest of Madheshi leaders, it has imposed economic blockade in Nepal despite Madheshi leaders' claims to the contrary. Rather than warmly welcoming the promulgation of constitution like other countries, it merely 'noted' the promulgation and in its four press releases asked Nepali leaders to take agitating Madheshis into confidence. It, however, didn't deem it necessary to encourage Madheshi leaders to drop their rigid stance and sit for talks.

It is an open secret that India's Nepal policy is guided by its intelligence agency, Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW). A big section of South Block mandarins and R&AW spooks have always viewed Tarai as Indian territory. RSN Singh, one of R&AW's think tanks, in his book The Unmaking of Nepal claims that "Indian migrants, the present day Madhesis cleared the area [in the Tarai] and made it hospitable." Once the area became livable, hill people started to come down to settle in big numbers.

In this sense, Madheshis perceive themselves to be the real sons of the soil (bhumiputra) while Pahadis are migrants. Given this feeling, "They argue that there is not a single good reason for them to be part of Nepal" and "[i]nvoking history, they make a strong argument that, legally, they were part of India." This should clearly explain Madheshi leaders' current obstinate position with impossible demands and India's support for their cause. Another R&AW spook RK Yadav in his book Mission RAW has mentioned Indira Gandhi's intention of merging Tarai with India after her success in annexing Sikkim.

It was believed that Narendra Modi, professing to love Nepal with his heart, would counter R&AW (dominated by Congress-I loyal officers)'s strategy and leave Nepal be. His address to the Constituent Assembly last August seemed to have given such hope. The Big Four might have been encouraged to ink the 16-point deal and go ahead with constitution process after Modi's positive gesture.

Even if R&AW was unhappy with this development, Hindu nationalist Modi summoned top leader Prachanda to Delhi immediately after the deal and told him that India would not object to the statute if 'secularism' finds no place in the constitution. Prachanda then started talking about religious freedom instead of secularism. But the term ultimately found its place in the constitution with a rider that the secular state will protect ancient religion (read: Hinduism).

This snubbing of his suggestion must have riled Modi. In fact, Modi's special envoy S Jaishankar is learnt to have minced no words in telling Prachanda that he was "ungrateful", hinting at Prachanda taking shelter in Noida, India during armed conflict. This blunt comment had Prachanda reeling with rage and he lashed out against India in Tudikhel speech.

Even if Modi projects himself as a tough leader with independent thinking, he is still in thrall to Hindu nationalist organization Rastriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) where he cut his teeth at the beginning of his political career. RSS envisions an undivided India (Akhanda Bharat) in which all South Asia is part of India. That is why Modi called all seven leaders of the region to his prime ministerial swearing-in. Some Hindu groups with blessings from the RSS have been distributing pamphlets across Nepal with statements that Madhesh agitation should be a stepping stone to restore Nepal as a Hindu kingdom and Nepal is part of Akhanda Bharat. It spells disaster for Nepal that R&AW and RSS have joined hands.

India's meddling notwithstanding, the Big Three too shoulder the blame. Had they stuck to their six-province model or fulfilled Tharus' demands, the agitations would not have taken an ugly turn. Now the situation has escalated to such a level that it is difficult to control things. Still, dialogue is the best way forward. Both sides should come clean and resume dialogue.

संवेदनाका अन्तरकथा (विकास संग्रौलाको उपन्यास "अनलाइक्ली स्टोरीटेलर्स") Unlikely Storytellers

यो समीक्षा नागरिक दैनिकमा असोज २, २०७२ मा प्रकाशित भएको थियो ।
http://nagariknews.com/nagarik-sanibar/story/45663.html

कथाप्रतिको आसक्ति मानवीय स्वभाव नै हो। प्राग्ऐतिहासिक कालमा सिकारी मानवहरू दिनभरि सिकार गरेर आएपछि बेलुका छाप्रोअगाडि ठूलो आगो बालेर आफूले सिकारका क्रममा भोगेका अनुभवलाई कथाको रूप दिएर सुनाउने गरेको कुरा मानवशास्त्रीहरूका पुस्तकमा पढ्न पाइन्छ।

कथा भन्ने र सुन्ने यो आदिम चाहना मानवमा अहिलेसम्म पनि जीवितै छ। प्राचीन महाकाव्य, पुराण तथा सवाइहरू सबै कवितात्मक शैलीमा लेखिएका कथा न हुन्। अझ, कथा भन्नु त उपचारात्मक विधि पनि हो। चर्चित मनोविश्लेषक सिग्मन्ड फ्रायडले मनोपरामर्श लिन आउने मानसिक रोगीहरूलाई आफ्नो कथा खुलेर बताउन लगाउँथे। तिनै कथाका आधारमा उनी उचित उपचार सिफारिस पनि गर्थे। त्यसैले कथा भन्ने र सुन्ने काम मानवीयताको लक्षण नै हो।

हरेक व्यक्तिसँग एउटा न एउटा कथा हुन्छ। कसैले त्यो लेखेर व्यक्त गर्छ भने कसैले आफ्ना नजिककालाई सुनाएर। विकास संग्रौलाको अंग्रेजी पुस्तक 'अनलाइक्ली स्टोरीटेलर्स'ले यस्तै कथा लेख्ने र भन्ने पात्रका सम्बन्धका आयामलाई खोतलेको छ। अंग्रेजी दैनिक 'द डेली इन्फर्मर'मा काम गर्ने दीपकले पाँच जना व्यक्तिलाई भेटेर तिनका कथाव्यथा सुनेको र साथसाथै आफ्नै जिन्दगीको कथा पनि अगाडि बढाएको वर्णन उपन्यासमा छ।

दीपकको काका पर्ने अनन्तले सुरुमै आफ्नो कथा सुनाउँछन्। आफूले विगतमा गरेको गल्ती सुनाएर मन हल्का गर्ने उनको योजना हुन्छ। सहरको केटा गाउँ गएर केटीलाई गर्भवती बनाउने र छोडिदिने पुरानो फर्मुलामा निर्माण गरिएको यो कथा भने केही कमजोर लाग्छ। यस्तोखाले कथा धेरैचोटि पढिसकिएको र कैयौं हिन्दी फिल्ममा हेरिसकिएकै हो।

यता दीपक भने माओवादी द्वन्द्व उत्कर्षमा पुगेको बेला दिनहुँ हुने हत्याका समाचार संयोजन गर्दागर्दा आफ्नो पेसाबाटै विरक्तिन थाल्छन्। जिल्ला ब्युरो सम्हालिरहेका दीपकले सम्पादक केदारसँग कुरा गरेर फिचरतर्फ लाग्छन् र 'सेलिब्रेटिङ लाइफ' भन्ने स्तम्भ सुरु गर्छन्। उनका फिचरहरू चर्चित हुन थालेपछि विभिन्न व्यक्तिले पत्र लेखेर तथा प्रत्यक्ष भेटेर उनलाई आफ्ना कहानी बताउन थाल्छन्। आफूभन्दा निकै प्रौढ रहेका अपाहिज विधुरसँग विवाह गरेर अत्यासलाग्दो जविन बिताइरहेकी मेघाले एउटा रेस्टुराँमा दीपकलाई भेटेर कथा सुनाउँछिन्। व्यक्तिहरूको बीचमा संवाद हुँदा दुवैको उपस्थिति झल्किनुपर्ने हो तर कथा सुन्ने दीपक पूरै मौन बसेको अनि मेघाले आफ्नो लामो कथा सुनाइरहेको अलि अस्वाभाविक लाग्छ। पछि अन्य पात्र कैलाश र करुणाले दीपकलाई आफ्ना लामा कथा सुनाउँदा पनि दीपक यसरी नै मौन बस्छन्।

विगतले वर्तमानलाई पारेको असर दीपकले भेटेका पात्रका कथाको विशेषता हो। तीन पुस्ताअघि कन्याकुमारीको श्राप परेको मेघाको परिवारका सबै सदस्यमा केही न केही शारीरिक वा मानसिक रोग विद्यमान हुन्छ। आधुनिक युगमा श्राप पर्नेजस्तो अन्धविश्वासी घटनालाई जायज ठहराउन त नसकिएला तर परिवारका सदस्य सबैलाई समस्या हुनुको वैकल्पिक व्याख्या पनि त नपाइएला। अनि अनन्तले एउटी सोझी शेर्पिनीको शारीरिक शोषण गरेको पाप आफ्नी श्रीमती र छोरो गुमाएर भोग्नुपर्छ। दस सैनिक र पैंतीस जना सर्वसाधारणलाई एम्बुसमा पारेर मारेको माओवादी लडाकु ताराले तीव्र पश्चात्तापको अनुभव गरेर आफैंविरुद्ध कठोर निर्णय लिन्छन्। यसरी उपन्यासमा विगतले वर्तमानलाई निर्देश गरेको हुन्छ।

देशको स्थिति बिग्रेर विदेश पलायन हुन लालायित युवावर्ग (दीपकको छिमेकी प्रकाश), लागुऔषध दुर्व्यसनका कारण पारिवारिक सम्बन्धमा परेको असर (नरेन र करुणाको कथा), विवाहेतर सम्बन्धले दाम्पत्यमा ल्याएको दरार (कैलाश र मायाको जीवनमा प्रदीपको प्रवेश), नेपाली समाजमा क्रान्तिकारी मानिने लिभ इन रिलेसनसिप (दीपक र आकृति), महŒवाकांक्षाको अभावले मानिसमा ल्याउने फ्रस्ट्रेसन, गाउँमा रहेका कृषिका सम्भावनाजस्ता अन्य विषय पनि उपन्यासमा छन्। देशमा चलेको द्वन्द्व र राजनीतिक घटनाक्रमलाई पनि लेखकले जोडेका छन्।

द्वन्द्वका केही प्रतिनिधिमूलक घटनालाई उपन्यासमा झिनो तवरले आख्यानीकृत गरिएको छ। लमजुङका शिक्षक मुक्तिनाथ अधिकारी (उपन्यासमा उनी दोलखाका विद्यानाथ अधिकारीका रूपमा चित्रित) लाई चन्दा नदिएको निहुँमा माओवादीले गरेरको नृशंस हत्यालाई तारा भन्ने पात्रले बताएका छन्। ताराले अधिकारीलाई मोबाइलमा सन्देश पठाएर सचेत गराएको उल्लेख छ तर त्यतिखेर मोबाइल फोन अहिलेका जत्तिकै सहजै प्रयोग हुन्थ्यो होला र भन्ने शंका उब्जिन्छ। अनि सर्वसाधारण चढेको बसलाई एम्बुसमा पारेर धेरै निर्दोषको ज्यान लिइएको बाँदरमुढे घटनालाई बाँकेमा भएको घटना बनाएर त्यसमा पनि ताराको संलग्नता देखाइएको छ। त्यसैगरी नगरकोटमा एक सैनिकले गरेको नरसंहारलाई दीपकले रिपोर्टिङ गरेको कुरा पनि यसमा परेको छ। ताराबाहेक अन्य पात्रको द्वन्द्वसँग खासै साइनो नभएको र तारा पनि द्वन्द्वका घटनाक्रमलाई जोड्नका लागि साधारण रूपमा सिर्जिएको अनि दीपकले द्वन्द्वका हार्ड न्युज लेख्न छोडेको अवस्था देखिएकाले उपन्यासमा द्वन्द्वको चित्रण कमजोर रूपमा भएको छ।

आवरण कला अर्थपूर्ण र कलात्मक छ। क्याफेमा कफी खाँदै कुरा गरेको संकेत पाइन्छ कलामा। टेबलमुनिको झोलाले पत्रकारलाई इंगित गर्छ। भित्तामा झुन्डिएको एडवर्ड मन्चको 'स्त्रि्कम' पेन्टिङले उपन्यासका पात्रको दुःखलाई प्रतिनिधित्व गर्छ।

उपन्यासको बलियो पक्ष भनेको मानवीय सम्बन्धका आयाम केलाउन लेखक सक्षम देखिन्छन्। मेघाका बुवा मणिप्रसादको आफ्नी अर्की छोरी मायासँगको कठोर व्यवहारका कारण मायामा पैतृक प्रेमको लालसा र तज्जनित मानसिक रोगलाई लेखकले उत्कृष्ट रूपमा चित्रण गरेका छन्। दीपकले भेटेका सबै पात्रप्रति पाठकको सहानुभूति जाग्छ र उनीहरूको कथा पढिरहन मन लाग्छ। उनीहरूका कथाले संवेदनालाई छुन सक्नु भनेको लेखकको सफलता हो। उनमा मानवीय मनोविज्ञानको समझ छ, यसर्थ आफ्ना पात्रलाई प्रेमपूर्वक प्रस्तुत गर्न सफल छन्।

आफ्नो पहिलो पुस्तकमै लेखकले यसरी पात्रगठनमा शिल्प प्रदर्शन गर्न सक्नु प्रशंसनीय छ। कथानकमा केही कमजोरी रहे तापनि भाषा सरल र बोधगम्य छ। नेपाली पाठकका लागि कथा नौलो नभए पनि विदेशी पाठकले भने नेपालको एक कालखण्डलाई आख्यानीकृत गरिएको उपन्यासलाई सहर्ष अपनाउने अपेक्षा गर्न सकिन्छ।

कृति : उपन्यास

लेखक : विकास संग्रौला

प्रकाशक : नेपालय

पृष्ठ : २४०, मूल्य : ३७५/–

Organic tales (Upendra Subba's Lato Pahad) उपेन्द्र सुब्बाको "लाटो पहाड"

This review appeared in Republica on September 18, 2015.
http://myrepublica.com/the-week/story/28362/organic-tales.html

Upendra Subba, having carved his niche in Nepali literature as a poet par excellence, has now demonstrated his storytelling skills in a delightful collection “Lato Pahad” (The Dumb Mountain). All 13 stories in the collection are centered on issues of marginalized Limbus.
Despite their political underpinnings, there is plenty of aesthetic pleasure in reading the text. Laced with humor, and native language and images, the real stories of people make the reader laugh and feel empathetic towards the locals’ plights.


The first story “Prabhu Maila” satirizes the unitary state that has forbidden the ethnic groups to receive education in their mother tongues. Hot-headed Keshman is asked by his lady teacher where Hira is found. When she keeps repeating the question to Keshman, he tells her that she has hidden it under her belly and runs away, leaving the teacher red faced. Now, “Hira” in Nepali means “diamond” but it means a woman’s private parts in Limbu language.


Through this hilarious episode, the writer advocates for intercultural dialogue and cultural sensitivity. Imposing a single language on a population with different languages has left many uneducated (The same theme is also explored in the title story “Lato Pahad”). Besides this, the story also describes the encroachment of Christianity upon native cultures and the resistance it meets. Rather than thanking his friends for the food they provide as fruit of their labor, Keshman, who has now become Prabhu Maila after being converted to Christianity, praises the lord for the food which riles Kokma Thule and he kicks Prabhu Maila out.


The stories “Khunkhar Bhale” and “Manmaya” show the condition of the poor in raw detail, tugging at the heartstrings of the reader. “Aithan” makes a case against abortion that kills potentiality altogether. Who knows whether the child could have significantly contributed to humanity had it been allowed to live? Written in surreal style with images of nightmare, the story fictionalizes the Limbu death ritual of taking the dead soul to the next world.


Sexual psychology has been beautifully presented in “Sasurali”, “Thote Sailo” and “Handaneko Bihe” (the last one is full of double entendres). “Mansinghko Chaite Dashain” is a brilliant work of dark humor that tackles polygamy.


Any culture has its own peculiar belief systems. Limbu folks believe that a person becomes sugut (ghost) after death and certain rituals to take sugut to the next world should be carried out, otherwise it keeps troubling the living relatives. In the story “Sugut”, Dalhang, a migrant worker, returns home after his wife’s death while the ‘sugut’ ritual has been suspended. After becoming aware of his sister-in-law’s marriageable age, he hatches a plot to wed her by having his dead wife’s ghost tell the family members about marrying the sister to Dalhang.


Bawdy humor, with liberal references of flatulence, in “Puchune Dhamiko Maran”, materialism and greed tearing apart a family in “Hariyo Dhunga” (great use of a symbol), politics of language troubling an individual in “Naspate Budho” prove Subba’s talent in storytelling.


While all the other stories symbolically raise the issue of a discriminatory state policy, the longest story in the collection “Lato Pahad” overtly criticizes the unitary state’s suppression of ethnic minorities. Written in the form of a film script (where scenes change too quickly to viewers’ comfort), this story pits the state against the native Limbus.


Kokma Thule is arrested for killing a cow whereas he had just used the skin of an already dead cow to make the native musical instrument, Chyabrung. He had been arrested earlier as well – charged with violating Consumer’s Forest Laws for felling a tree in his locality to make the ring of Chyabrung.


Through this episode, the writer advocates for rights of the ethnics to their natural property. Without explicitly saying so, the writer lobbies for ethnic federalism that establishes pride and respect of the ethnics in their ancestral land. The linguistic-cultural encroachment of the unitary state is shown in Kokma’s son Fangjang being humiliated in school just because he is a Limbu.


The Aryan principal and teachers, the local representatives of unitary state, punish him for not pronouncing Nepali words correctly and for retaliating against taunts of a “leopard” by his Aryan classmates. The sad part is that the elders identify with these events unfolding in the film while the young audience is bored.


Although it’s said that the position of women is better in ethnic groups as compared to Khas-Aryan groups, the stories don’t support this claim. None of the female characters are in a decision making position. Whenever they raise objections to their husbands’ wrong actions, they are scolded to silence.


The stories seem to have subtle meanings, but only if the reader has a good knowledge of the Limbu culture. Many native words have been used in the stories without explaining their meanings. Maybe a glossary at the end of the book would have helped.


But a lack of knowledge of Limbu words in no way hampers the reading pleasure. The reader will be in stitches while reading the stories and will also find out the political subtext in the narrative if s/he goes deeper. After a long time, a good book has appeared in the Nepali literature scene.  

Sowing strife: Secularism

 This article appeared in Republica on September 8, 2015.

 http://myrepublica.com/opinion/story/27719/sowing-strife.html


Ultimately, they chose to ignore popular feelings. By agreeing on retaining "secularism" in the new constitution despite a large number of people's suggestion to the contrary, the syndicate of the big three has paved way for religious strife. The backhand manner in which secularism was imposed had riled a lot of people but they tolerated it with the hope that this sensitive issue would be put to a referendum. But the syndicate, in an authoritarian fashion, sealed the fate of the country by continuing with this divisive issue.
Prime Minister-in-waiting KP Oli had assured the public that this offensive term would be dropped from the draft constitution but all hopes were dashed with the latest decision. The clarification over the definition of secularism reads as "protection of religion and culture being practiced since ancient times and religious and cultural freedom". This practice was already in place when Nepal was a Hindu state, so what was the point in introducing secularism?

Even if the major parties have tried to dilute the evil aspects of secularism by inserting placatory explanations, it should be resisted because it isn't a sincere term as is often made out. It is a non-religious, non-spiritual, atheist, or a worldly concept. Staunchly against religion, this concept was introduced during the Age of Enlightenment in Europe when the state severed its ties with the church. Dogmatic Christianity claimed that only it was the keeper of the truth, which God himself had revealed to his church. Only through acceptance of the church that represents Jesus Christ can the humanity born in sin be redeemed.

It is obvious that such claims did not appeal to rational people but they kept mum lest they face dire consequences. The church was more powerful than the state and draconian laws were framed to punish people who questioned the faith. Understandably, antagonism against such a harsh religion surfaced after the introduction of secularism. It may have been necessary in European context but how can such a concept ensure religious equality in a multi-religious country like Nepal when it is against religion itself?

Many religions have thrived in Nepal since ancient times. The dominant faith, Hinduism, never forced itself upon the minority in cahoots with the state. People's faith was based on ancient seers' insights and on reason, intuition and direct experience. Religion has percolated down to the smallest unit of the society without coercion. All rituals, from birth to death, are directed by one or the other faith. If western secularism requires exclusion of religion from state affairs, it can't be implemented in Nepal because the state will then have to formulate a new life style that replaces religion and rituals. After all, state is not a dead entity; it is made up of living people. Since people are guided by their religions, the state should also have a religion. A state can be independent of religion only when there is no religion in the society. Naturally, this is not the case in our country.

It is understandable that godless Maoists, backed by proselytizing Europeans, have pitched for secularism. They were successful in inserting a clause for "distance oneself from any other religion". It appears to have been introduced to protect atheists but why should atheists be protected when they have never been persecuted here, unlike in certain Muslim countries? Distancing people from their faith seems a step towards conversion to Christianity.

Unfortunately, secularism has been introduced in Nepal to promote conversion. The sprouting of churches everywhere in the country post-2006 corroborates this. Fringe Christian groups have been vociferously advocating for decriminalization of conversion which proves that their intention is to ride the wings of secularism to spread their faith. They have been successful in their mission so far.

That secularism is a divisive idea that drives wedges in the society and ruptures social fabric can be seen in our southern neighbor. This term did not exist in the original Indian Constitution when it was adopted in 1950. Hinduism, having survived the brutal repression under Muslim rule and mass proselytization during British colonial rule, could have been vindictive against minority religions in post-independence polity. But due to its tolerant nature it never dictated terms to the state. Mahatma Gandhi's relentless efforts at sarvadharma samabhava (religious equality) were also responsible for this.

However, secularism was inserted during the Emergency rule of Indira Gandhi to gain the Muslim vote bank, as she was sure to lose the Hindu vote post-Emergency. After the Emergency, Muslims and Christians voted for her en masse. According to Mary Wirth, "Since Independence, several non-secular decisions pandering to the minority had been taken. Muslim and Christian representatives had pushed for special civil laws and other benefits and got them." The 42nd Amendment to the constitution, at Indira Gandhi's behest, also changed the Preamble and the description of India from "sovereign democratic republic" to a "sovereign socialist secular republic". Wirth argues that after adding 'secular' in the constitution the government sought to benefit the dogmatic religions (for which secularism was coined in the first place).

Various parties then started playing the communal card to garner votes. They sowed the fear of a Hindu majority to whip up communal passion among minorities. Rather than introducing development schemes to uplift the minority, they found it beneficial to keep them poor, deprived and fearful of the majority so that they could be fooled time and again. Pseudo-secularism and selective secularism that hurts Hindu sentiments is being practiced in India by so-called progressive parties and intellectuals.

Sadly, the same vote-bank politics is being repeated in our country. Religion has slowly started encroaching upon politics here. A Muslim in Kapilvastu won the second Constituent Assembly elections as an independent candidate by canvassing Muslim votes when the party he was originally affiliated to snubbed him. Christian parties like Jana Jagaran Party and Nepal Pariwar Dal won seats in proportionate election system. Political parties will in the future certainly try to cash in on these potential vote banks and introduce programs to lure them at the expense of the majority. Even Rastriya Prajatantra Party-Nepal became the fourth largest party in CA-II as it had fought elections on the plank of a Hindu state, proving that Hindus too would be politicized in the future. This religious pandering of parties will take a toll on development and stop the country from prospering.

Be that as it may, secularism has charted a course in Nepal and it would be naïve to believe the country will revert back to being a Hindu state, although the country won't suffer even if that happens. However, it would have been better if the constitution had been silent in religious matters. Now that the genie is out of the bottle, the powers that be should introduce measures to ensure that religious strife doesn't take place.

संघीयताको गलपासो

 यो लेख भदौ १७, २०१५ को नागरिक दैनिकमा प्रकाशित भएको थियो :
http://nagariknews.com/opinion/story/44631.html


संविधान पाउने आसमा बसेका जनता फेरि एकपटक निरास हुने लक्षण देखिँदैछन्। संघीयताको समस्यालाई तार्किक निष्कर्षमा पुर्यााउन गरिएको आलटाल र अवरोधले संविधान निर्माण पेचिलो बन्दै गइरहेको छ।

संविधान सभाका समिति संविधानलाई अन्तिम रूप दिन सवि्र्कय भए पनि देशव्यापीरूपमा उठेका असन्तोष र विद्रोहले जारी हुन लागेको संविधानमा अपनत्वको अभाव हुने हो कि भन्ने शंका जन्माएको छ। संविधानविद्हरूले प्रस्तावित संविधानमा अनेकौं त्रुटि रहेको र सच्याउन सुझाव दिएको अनि आमजनताले राय संकलनका क्रममा पनि सुधारको सुझाव दिएको भए पनि ती सबै सुझाव समेटिएलान् भन्नेमा ढुक्क हुने स्थिति छैन।

संघीयताको समस्या समाधान हुन गाह्रै देखिन्छ। प्रस्तावित संविधानमा संघीयताको व्यवस्थालाई जटिल बनाइनुका अलावा प्रदेश सीमांकनमा शीर्ष नेतृत्वले अत्यन्त गैरजिम्मेवार रवैया अपनायो। आफ्नो भोट बैंक सुरक्षित राख्ने हिसाबले गरिएको सीमांकनले विद्रोह र आक्रोश निम्त्यायो। कैलालीमा भएको प्रहरीको नृशंस हत्या, तराईमा भइरहेका लगातारका बन्द हड्ताल तथा लिम्बुवान समूहको आन्दोलनको चेतावनीले संघीयता बाघको सवारी भएको सिद्ध भयो।

वास्तवमा यो स्थिति आउनुमा शीर्ष नेतृत्व जिम्मेवार छ। संघीयता भनेको के हो अनि हाम्रो जस्तो भूराजनीतिक अवस्थिति भएको मुलुकमा यसको उपादेयता के कस्तो छ भन्नेबारेमा कहिल्यै पनि जनस्तरमा बहस चलाइएन। विदेशी दाताले लगानी गरेका कोठे सेमिनारमा कोरिएका संघीयताका खाकालाई प्रमुख दलले स्वीकार गरे। संघीयताजस्तो संवेदनशील र राष्ट्रको भविष्यलाई पछिसम्म असर पार्ने कुरामा पटक्कै गम्भीरता देखाइएन। संघीयताले देश टुक््रयाउँछ, त्यसैले यसको काम छैन भन्ने एकथरी अनि इतर जातिलाई निषेध गर्ने जातीय संघीयता नै हुनुपर्छ भन्ने अर्कोथरी अतिवादीले संघीयताको बहस अतिक्रमण गरे।

हामीलाई मन नपरेको भए पनि संघीयताको बहस देशमा स्थापित भइसकेको अवस्थामा यसबाट पछि हट्ने कुरा हुँदैन। काठमाडौंले उपत्यका बाहिरका मानिसले के चाहन्छन् भन्ने कुरालाई पूरै नजरअन्दाज गर्ने र उनीहरूप्रति रुखो व्यवहार गरिरहने अनि उनीहरूको आवाजलाई दबाउनका लागि फौजी समाधानको विकल्प देख्ने गर्नाले वर्तमान समस्या जन्मेको हो भन्ने कुरा प्रस्ट छ। काठमाडौंले पेलेरै गए पनि असन्तोषका स्वरहरू पूरै दबाउन असम्भव छ। बरु स–साना कामका लागि पनि काठमाडौं धाइरहनुपर्ने मोफसलको पीडालाई बेवास्ता गरिरहनु त काठमाडौंकै लागि पनि हानिकारक हुनेछ। यस्तै व्यवहार रहिरह्यो भनेचाहिँ साँच्चै देश नराम्रो समस्यामा फस्छ। संघीयतालाई सोझोरूपमा बुझ्दा यो जनताको घरदैलोसम्म पुग्ने व्यवस्था हो। संघीयताको विकल्पका रूपमा चर्चा गरिने प्रभावकारी विकेन्द्रीकरणले माथि उल्लेख गरिएका समस्यालाई सम्बोधन गर्ने भए पनि काठमाडौंको अहिलेसम्मको व्यवहारले त्यसको सम्भावनाप्रति आशा गर्न सकिँदैन।

संघीयताको आधारशीला समावेशिता हो। एक निश्चित जातिका केही टाठाबाठाको राज्य व्यवस्थामा लामो समयदेखि पकड रहँदै आएको कुरा सत्य हो। आफूलाई राज्यले इतर बनाएको गुनासो धेरै जातिलाई छ। विगतका केही वर्षमा भएका राजनीतिक परिवर्तनले ल्याएको चेतनाका कारण राज्य समावेशी बन्दै गइरहेको कुरा पनि उत्तिकै सत्य छ। राज्यका उच्च ओहदामा विभिन्न जातिका मानिस पुगेकै छन्। तर राजधानीबाट भौगोलिकरूपमा धेरै टाढा नरहेका चेपाङ जातिका मानिस उल्लेख्य संख्यामा रहेका भए पनि त्यो पूरै समुदाय नै चरम गरिबीमा रहनु अनि त्यसबाट शिक्षित व्यक्ति नआउनुले राज्य अझै पनि आफ्ना नागरिकप्रति उदासीन रहेकै कुरालाई उजागर गर्छ। चेपाङ त सीमान्तकृत जातिको प्रतिनिधि पात्रमात्र हुन्, अन्य धेरै जाति यस्तै मारमा परेका छन्। आफ्नो भाषा र संस्कृति लोप हुन लागेको स्थितिमा पुगेका यी जातिले कसरी राज्यप्रति अपनत्वको भावना राख्छन्? त्यसो भए चेपाङलाई पनि राज्य दिने भन्ने कुरा त हुँदैन तर संघमा अधिकार प्रत्यायोजन हुँदा तिनका समस्या सम्बोधन हुन सक्छन्। संघमै पनि टाठाबाठाको हालीमुहाली हुने स्थिति रह्यो भनेचाहिँ आवाजविहीन जातिमा असन्तोष जाग्छ र संघीयता नै धरापमा पर्छ।

संघीयतालाई क्रमशः सम्बोधन गर्दै जाने हिसाबले त्रुटिपूर्ण भए पनि एकथान संविधान ल्याइएको हो। तर यही संघीयताको मुद्दामा शीर्ष नेताको अदूरदर्शिता र हठधर्मिताले राजनीतिक समस्या बल्झाइदियोे। त्यसमाथि विदेशी शक्ति पनि नेपाल स्थिर भएको हेर्न चाहँदैन। भारत र विदेशी संगठनले सरकारलाई असन्तुष्ट समूहसँग वार्ता गर्नका लागि आह्वान गरिरहेका छन् तर तिनले असन्तुष्ट समूहलाई चाहिँ सरकारसँग वार्तामा बस्नका लागि लचिलो हुन कहिल्यै आग्रह गर्दैनन्। कैलाली घटनामै पनि निहत्था प्रहरीको आतंककारीले बर्बर हत्या गर्दा तिनको निन्दामा विदेशीले एक शब्द खर्च गरेनन् तर राज्यलाई दोष दिइरहे। शान्तिपूर्ण आन्दोलनमा प्रहरीले गोली नचलाउने आदेश पाएको हो अनि प्रहरीको यो संयमलाई कमजोरीका रूपमा लिएर अशान्ति मच्चाउने तत्वले हत्या गरेका हुन् भन्ने कुरालाई विदेशीले बुझ्नै चाहेनन्।

भारतको कुरा गर्दा प्रधान मन्त्री नरेन्द्र मोदीले सबैलाई मिलाएरै लग्नका लागि नेपाल सरकारलाई आग्रह गरेको अनुचित हैन तर उनले मधेसी नेताहरूलाई पनि लचिलो हुन आग्रह गर्नुपर्थ्यो। संघीयताको सवालमा मधेसका नेताले त्यहाँका जनताले समेत अनुमोदन नगरेका असम्भव माग गरिरहँदा भारतले तिनको झाँको झार्नुपर्ने हो। पहिलोचोटि नेपाल भ्रमणमा आउँदा मधेसी नेताहरूलाई उचित सुझाव दिएका मोदीले भारतीय खुफिया संस्था 'र' को कुरा सुनेका थिएनन्। तर दोस्रोपल्ट सार्क शिखर सम्मेलनमा आउँदा उनले जसरी सरकारलाई सुझाव दिने हिसाबमा आफ्नो पहिलेको रवैया बदले त्यसबाट 'र' ले उनलाई ब्रिफिङ गरिसकेको पुष्टि भयो।

मोदी हृदयदेखि नै नेपालको हित चाहने व्यक्ति हुन् तर 'र' मा राज गरिरहेका कर्मचारीको सिन्डिकेटसँग उनी टकरावको स्थिति चाहँदैनन् जस्तो देखिन्छ। त्यो सिन्डिकेटमा कांग्रेसमा आस्था राख्ने कर्मचारी छन् जुन कुरा पूर्व प्रधान मन्त्री मनमोहन सिंहले नेपालसँगको सम्बन्धका बारेमा निर्णय पूरै 'र' लाई छोडिदिएबाटै पुष्टि हुन्छ। 'र' चाहिँ नेपालमा अस्थिरता कायम रहेमा आफ्नो भूमिका रहिरहन्छ भन्ने सोच्छ। त्यहाँका कर्मचारी, अझ साउथ ब्लकको ठूलो तप्का मधेसलाई भारतमा गाभ्ने इच्छा राख्छन्। कांग्रेसी सिन्डिकेटबाट 'र' लाई मुक्त गर्ने प्रयास मोदीले गर्दैछन् र यसैबाट डराएर शीर्ष मधेसी नेताहरूले मोदीलाई 'र' को भूमिका कटौती नगर्न आग्रह पनि गरेका थिए १६ बुँदे सम्झौतापछि।

अहिले पनि केही मधेसी नेताले भारतीय नेताहरूसँग भेटेर नेपाल सरकारलाई सम्झाइदिन आग्रह गरेबाटै उनीहरूको भारतीय हस्तक्षेप निम्त्याउने षड्यन्त्र प्रष्टिन्छ। झन् जयकृष्ण गोइतले त मोदीलाई चिठी नै लेखेर मधेस भारतकै भाग हो भनी ठोकुवा गरे। बृहत्तर नेपालको कुरा उठाउँदै नेपालीले भारतका भूभागमाथि दाबी गर्न खोज्दैछन् भन्ने हौवा फैलाएर भारतको हस्तक्षेप आवश्यक भएको तर्क गर्छन् उनी। अर्का नेता अमरेश सिंह चाहिँ देशै टुक््रयाइदिने धम्की दिइरहेछन्। भारतको आड पाएरै त त्यस्तो कुरा गरेका हुन् उनले। त्यसमाथि बिहारमा विधान सभा चुनाव आउन लागेकाले आफ्नो पार्टी बिजेपीलाई जिताउनका लागि रोटीबेटीको सम्बन्ध भएको मधेसलाई मोदी अहिले चिढ्याउन चाहँदैनन्। त्यसो त नेपाल स्थिर हुँदा भारतीय प्रशासनतन्त्रमा एउटा सशक्त वर्गको सान्दर्भिकता नष्ट हुने भएकाले नियन्त्रित अस्थिरताको यो भूमरी लामो समयसम्म चलि नै रहने देखिन्छ।

यस्तोमा नेपाल सरकारले मधेसमा सकारात्मक हस्तक्षेप गर्नु जरुरी छ। सुगम जिल्ला भए पनि मानव सूचकांकको पुछारमा रहेका मधेसका जिल्लामा विकासका कार्यक्रम लग्नुपर्छ र रोजगारीका अवसर सिर्जना गर्नुपर्छ। झोलामा खोला र झोलामा विद्यालय जस्ता भ्रष्टाचारी वि्र्कयाकलाप नियन्त्रण गर्नुपर्छ। जान त विकास योजनाहरू टन्नै गएका हुन् मधेसमा तर सीमित टाठाबाठाले ती सबै कुम्ल्याएर निमुखालाई गरिबीको कुचक्रमा पारिराखेर विद्रोहको आगो सल्काउन सजिलो बनाएका हुन्।

समग्र देशलाई नै संघीयताको गलपासोबाट मुक्त गर्नका लागि अहिले यो थाती राखेर संविधान जारी गर्नु उचित ठहरिन्छ। यस्तो संवेदनशील कुरालाई हचुवाका भरमा निर्णय गर्नु उचित हुँदैन। विज्ञहरूको राय लिएर अनि जनस्तरमा बहस चलाएरमात्र यसको निर्क्योल गर्नुपर्छ। जनमत संग्रहबाट यसको छिनोफानो भएको भए सर्वस्वीकार्य हुन्थ्यो होला तर नागरिकताबिहीन मधेसीले जनमत संग्रहका लागि नागरिकता दिनुपर्ने सर्त तेर्स्याउन सक्ने सम्भावना पनि उत्तिकै छ।

Federal bogey

This appeared in Republica on August 24, 2015.

http://myrepublica.com/opinion/story/26937/federal-bogey.html


Just when people were expecting a statute of their own promulgated after a long and wrenching transition, the bogey of federalism once again threatens its existence. The unresolved issue of state restructuring had curated the first Constituent Assembly before it was able to give birth to a constitution. The same fate seems to be awaiting the CA-II. Federalism is turning out to be the ride of the tiger for major political parties, without any logical solution in the offing. It has generated a million mutinies with divergent and often mutually exclusive demands that cannot be met to the satisfaction of all.
Much of the blame for the present imbroglio lies with the major parties. Rather than taking expert advice on the sensitive issue of state restructuring, the Big Four syndicate randomly drew boundaries and haphazardly cut and pasted existing districts to new provinces. People at the grassroots, with attachment to their lands, were understandably angry by this and demanded united development regions and districts.They want their provinces to prosper and for that they need transportation routes, something the current delineation fails to address. The important components of identity and capability of federal states too have not been satisfactorily incorporated.

Influential leaders carved provinces and drew boundaries not with any pious motive but for their short-term electoral gains. This gerrymandering has let loose petty regionalism and communalism that will dictate our future political course. More offensive is the top leaders' stance in the face of violence across the country. Rather than genuinely try to bring the disgruntled forces to talks table, they have been issuing empty statements for calm. There are hints that the leaders themselves have been inciting "Akhanda" and "Tharuhat" movements and using their cadres to ignite emotions, thereby inviting police crackdown.

Leaders' indifference to commoners' death only goes to show that they want a statute at any cost, whether or not that is acceptable to a large section of the population. After all, the 16-point deal and the super-fast drafting of the problematic statute based on it had no other motive than facilitating change of power.

In this context, questions regarding federalism should be raised. Why is federalism necessary for the country? How would it ensure equal representation of all communities? How is it any better than effective decentralization? Are the provinces being carved with Nepal's geo-strategic location in mind?

Federalism, although not the magic bullet as some claim, is also not a pure evil as certain sections of intelligentsia believe. The underlying idea is to eliminate backwardness, underdevelopment and povertyof the regions outside the national capital. The centralized state has always been apathetic to the genuine worries of mofussil. People outside Kathmandu valley have to come here even for minor administrative works. Federalism would facilitate self-rule and local empowerment.

But the federal idea in the country focused more on identity than economic viability with prosperity of provinces as its cornerstone. Deliberately ignoring the co-existence of multiple ethnicities in a single region, certain forces aggressively pitched for provinces with single identity with priority rights. In the charged atmosphere, the divisive voices of "us" against "them" reached a crescendo that sought to completely exclude "them" . There was no substantial effort to cool things down and bring communal harmony. This is the reason some people consider federalism as a design of the foreign elements to rupture national harmony.

As if to prove that federalism will indeed sound death knell of communal harmony, influential Madheshi leaders have been poisoning the environment. Quitting the sovereign CA to raise their voices in the streets and issuing inflammatory statements have made things worse. Rajendra Mahato says the Madhesh will impose blockade of goods to hills. Upendra Yadav keeps telling the Madheshis that hill folks are the sole source of their misery. Amaresh Kumar Singh threatens to break Madhesh away from Nepal if every single Madheshi demand is not met and challenges the home minister to put him behind bars for his barefaced remarks.

More brazenly, disgruntled Madheshi leaders announced compensation of Rs 5 million to potential martyrs in Madhesh movement. This open call for martyrdom like some terrorist outfit shows that Madheshi leaders take the people as stepping stone to their political ambitions rather than look to genuinely solve problems in Madhesh. Moreover, it shows that they want the conflict to snowball to unmanageable proportions, rather than seek compromise solutions. General Madheshis might not share their leaders' antagonism against hill folks but some excitable youths can be puppets in the hands of these exclusionary leaders and help prolong the conflict.

Despite the conflicts it has generated, the reality is that federalism has charted a certain course from which the country cannot back down. It would have been better if this sensitive issue had been taken to a referendum. But in light of what has transpired so far, the leaders have their task cut out. They should take expert advice in state delineation. Unfortunately, they have never given serious thought to it. This process will take some time and the promulgation of constitution will be deferred. But that is the risk the leaders should take.They should not fix a date for the constitution that they cannot honor. There is no point in making a constitution that will have to be changed after a short period. There is also a need to make people aware that federalism rather than the unitary state structure will institute inclusivity.

Flawed document: Draft constitution

This article appeared in Republica on August 4, 2015.

http://myrepublica.com/opinion/story/25777/flawed-document.html


The proposed constitution of Nepal will take the country to an uncertain future given its provisions that contain seeds of authoritarianism. Many apparently progressive clauses have been qualified by certain restrictions that can be exploited by a ruler with authoritarian bent.
Take Article 24: Rights regarding mass media. The first clause ensures that there shall be no prior censorship of publications but the very next paragraph lists several conditions to be met to enjoy freedom. The long list functions as the Damocles' Sword that the journalist should be aware of before filing a story or providing an opinion that might be unpleasant to the establishment. This is a direct attack on democratic ideals. Freedom of expression is the cornerstone of democracy and it cannot be subjected to restrictive conditions. In extenuating circumstances like war, press freedom is generally restricted but at a small sign of unrest against an unpopular leader, it can be curbed with misinterpretation of this Clause. With these many restrictions on press, can democracy prosper in future?

The thought behind the incorporation of this offensive Clause in the constitution is that the state knows what is in the best interest of the people. It holds individuals as forces of anarchy, malleable to be swayed by the pernicious influence of a news piece or an opinion. Thus the state has to act as the strict disciplinarian. Yes, some media outlets have misused press freedom to indulge in character assassination and libel at certain times but these incidents are exceptions rather than the norm. Muzzling the press cannot be justified based on some stray incidents.

Another provision that can be exploited to assert the power of a dictator is forcing the citizen to perform mandatory labor. Ironically it falls under the provision of right against exploitation. Article 34 (4) reads, "No person shall be subjected to forced labor." But, the Clause puts a condition, "Provided that nothing in this clause shall prevent the state from enacting a law requiring a citizen to participate in compulsory service for the public purpose." This Clause demanding compulsory service is in direct violation of individual privacy. Some countries have this provision as part of penal law. The courts award mandatory public service for some crimes in these countries. Is this the case here?

A democratic constitution ought not to impose upon the individual. It should not provide leeway for arbitrary interpretation of law. But clearer is the requirement to give up privacy in Article 52 (c). It is the duty of the citizen to "compulsorily enlist when the nation needs the service." This is forceful conscription, pure and simple. Collate this with the incorporation of the term "enemy state" in right to justice provision. Does it mean that the constitution envisions war with another state requiring all citizens to contribute their labor in war effort? What about Nepal being a zone of peace?

Continuing with the constraints on individual liberty, Article 28 defines that "no person shall be put to preventive detention without sufficient grounds for the existence of immediate threat to the sovereignty and integrity or law and order of Nepal." This means that a person can be put in preventive detention when the state furnishes sufficient grounds. Rallies and mass demonstrations, parts of democratic practices, against an unpopular ruler can be taken as threat to sovereignty and law and order by the ruler to put demonstrators in preventive custody and curtail minimum rights. It happened during Indira Gandhi's rule of emergency in India and the constitution was misinterpreted by legal eagles close to the regime to justify authoritarian rule. The same can happen here.

These concerns are relevant in the sense that there are demands of directly elected executive. This demand stems from the desire to see the country ruled by executive fiat. Sick and tired of ill practices of parliamentary democracy where horse-trading, floor crossing and illegal inducements to parliamentarians to form or topple the government were a norm, people during the constitution feedback campaign might have demanded directly elected executive (although the demanders may have been brainwashed by party apparatchiks). People might be thinking that a charismatic and strong-willed leader can come down hard on anarchy and steer the country in the path of prosperity and development.

But there is no guarantee that there will be stability in the country after a directly elected executive assumes power. The executive has to be accountable to the parliament and in the situation when the executive's party fails to win comfortable majority in the parliament, his/her moves can be blocked. Frustrated with this, demands to declare parliament null and void could emerge. Without check and balance against executive overreach, there is every chance of an authoritarian rule. Given the country's geo-strategic position, sovereignty can be put in peril by an authoritarian ruler. Rather than this elitist demand, fostering inclusivity and strengthening state institutions will ensure Nepal's development.

The chattering class loves to give the example of Singapore's charismatic leader Lee Kuan Yew who transformed a backward country to become a developed one and dream of a similar leader here. But they seem to forget that Lee alone couldn't have done anything and he had capable assistants and, more than that, strong institutions to bring about change. Given the sorry state of our institutions, an authoritarian leader is likely to foster bad practices rather than change them for the better.

Matt Andrews, Associate Professor of Public Policy at Harvard University busts the myth of hero-worship in underdeveloped country like ours by saying, "It is disempowering to see leadership as something that demands waiting for special individuals to do special things. It is empowering to see leadership more empirically; as something that emerges in certain contexts and manifests in multiagent groups."

The proposed constitution cannot be given the benefit of doubt that it is a document of compromise. None of the stakeholders is happy with the statute. Cosmetic changes after the incorporation of public feedback might be made but that would not ensure its longevity. It would be unfortunate if the constitution has to be scrapped after another 10 years. After all, it has been hastily prepared to facilitate change in power. That is why it lacks any vision. Therefore, rather than promulgating this ill-conceived constitution that can give birth to authoritarianism, it would be better if the country waited for a better document prepared with great care.

Vignettes of War- Mantha Dareyeko Jug-book review मान्ठा डराएको जुग

This review appeared in Republica on July 31, 2015.

http://myrepublica.com/the-week/item/25511-review-vignettes-of-war.html



Journalist Mohan Mainali's latest book Mantha Darayeko Jug paints the real picture of the common people caught up in the 10-year war between the state and the insurgents. The writer is loyal to neither of the groups and his sympathies lie with the common people. His is the stance of an observer who comes across the devastating consequences of the conflict. But he is moved and inspired to write a moving feature that would generate help for the victims. In this sense, Mainali's reporting can be called humanitarian journalism.


Humanitarian journalism aims to give voice to the voiceless. Amidst the shrill blaring of gunshots from both sides, the voice of the common people had been silenced. People were looking for an outlet to express their pains. The writer and his colleagues provide the opportunity for these muted people to open up. Armed with their video cameras, they visit Sankhuwasabha, Dhading (Jogimara), Bajura, Kalikot and Jumla districts to be aware about the ground reality at the time of ceasefire and also when the war was in full swing. Going to these hinterlands to record people's pains might appear churlish but Surya Prasad Giri of Bajura tells them that their presence had a balmy effect on the grieving villagers.

The feudalistic structure of Nepali society had led to discrimination against a large number of people for a long time. Despite the ushering of democracy on different occasions, the lives of ordinary Nepalis had not changed for the better. In this context, Maoists waged a war against the state demanding equality for all. Many disgruntled people joined the war but it soon took an ugly turn as more innocent people than combatants were killed in the name of war. The pincer attack of combating forces on

non-combatants destroyed many families.

The war not only killed people but more tragically it annihilated people's belief in others. Thus, any stranger that came to the village was held in suspicion. The video journalists, including the writer, with their cameras on the tripod appeared as soldiers with guns to a middle aged villager working in the fields in Bajura (the term "shooting" is used with both implements).

He ran away from them and later returned after being assured that they meant no harm. This is emblematic of the advent of fear that separates people from one another, a bitter consequence of war. People become rude and unsympathetic due to this fear. The writer meets rude Maoists and army officers who irritate him and his friends with unnecessary questions and unwarranted comments. But it should be understood that fear of death has made them so and they too have their personal sorrows to deal with.

One of the most tragic incidents of war was the death of 17 laborers from Jogimara, Dhading in Kotbada airport, Kalikot. These dirt poor people were lured by the contractor's offer of attractive wages and they went to Kalikot despite their relatives telling them not to do so. While they were working there, the government had imposed emergency in the country. One Maoist combatant fired at the Nepal Army helicopter and scampered away. The Army was unscathed but it returned the next day with vengeance. It randomly opened fire at the laborers, not even bothering to find out whether they were combatants or not. The laborers, however, were declared to be terrorists.

Guerilla warfare generally works like this. Rather than combatting face-to-face, the insurgents provoke the state forces from hiding. The state forces are so afraid of the invisible enemy that they lose rationality. In retaliation, they kill anyone that comes their way. This is the main reason why people not belonging to any combat group become unwilling casualties. Those people without knowledge of politics and ideology are termed as terrorists by the state and martyrs by the insurgents.

In Mantha Darayeko Jug, Mainali presents vignettes of war through words. His words function as the viewfinder of a camera through which the reader gets a vivid picture. Simplicity of expression helps perfect that picture. The writer avoids grand words and meticulously explains it if he comes across any. He also records dialects used in the region that brings authenticity to the feature.

One may say that the book has been published a little too late as people have gradually lost interest in the war. But the direct victims of the conflict can never forget it. In this sense, this book serves an archival purpose. It stands as the reminder to authorities that they cannot remain apathetic to the plights of victims. Conflict victims are yet to get justice for the violations of their rights. Unless their demands for justice are fulfilled, their desire for exacting revenge against the wrongdoers will remain and it will generate another bout of violence.The book is a plea for peace and justice.

Bajrangi Bhaijaan: Amor vincit alles (Love conquers all)

This review appeared in Republica on July 24, 2015.

http://myrepublica.com/lifestyle/item/25092-bajrangi-bhaijaan-amor-vincit-alles-love-conquers-all.html


Let me confess in the beginning. I don't consider myself to be an emotional person and generally don't burst into tears even when sad.

But Salman Khan's latest offering Bajrangi Bhaijaan forced tears out of me with its strong emotional content. Fellow audiences watching this movie in the theater couldn't stop tears coursing down their cheeks. A woman was sniffling and unable to stand up from her seat after the screening ended.

Helmed by Kabir Khan, Bajrangi Bhaijaan tells the story of Pawan Kumar Chaturvedi aka Bajrangi (Salman Khan), a person with thick head and large heart. A staunch devotee of Lord Hanuman, he is poor at studies but is morally upright. Once during the Hanuman festival in Kurukshetra, Haryana, he comes across a mute girl Munni/Shahida (Harshaali Malhotra).

Shahida, with a cherubic face and dilated eyes, has been lost while returning to Pakistan after paying obeisance to Hazrat Nizamuddin in New Delhi when her mother (Meher Viz) fell asleep in the train and Shahida wandered away. It's an uphill task to take Shahida back to her home as she cannot speak. After knowing that she is a Pakistani, Bajrangi enters Pakistan through an underground route without any passport or visa.

The second half gets interesting when Bajrangi is wrongly considered a spy and is on the run from the authorities. With the help of a bumbling video journalist Chand Nawab (Nawazuddin Siddiqui), Bajrangi continues with his humanitarian mission. Whether he is successful or not in his mission in the face of adversities builds the narrative that reaches a rousing climax.

Salman Khan is not critics' darling actor but this time he scores a victory over their cynicism. He proves that he possesses histrionics acumen (only that he hadn't flaunted his potential to the full). He has changed tack in his film in that he doesn't rip his shirt apart and bare his chest at the drop of a hat like in other films. He lives up to the role of a pious man guided by love for humanity venturing outside the boundary of religious and national bigotry. After all, travel broadens one's horizon of thought.

Debutante child actor Harshaali wins everyone's heart of with her powerful acting. Even a stone-hearted member of the audience bursts into tears when she weeps. In one particularly strong scene, she remembers her lost mother with trembling lips and teary eyes. This scene alone makes her a good prospect in acting. Kareena Kapoor, however, fails to impress and she hasn't even got a significant role. The super-talented Nawazuddin Siddiqui as the sincere journalist Chand Nawab delivers a terrific performance. While providing much needed comic relief in a lachrymose-dominated tale, his one-liners carry deep meaning.

The film is so strong because of minor characters. Om Puri's cameo as the Ustad is delightful. Unlike narrow parochial teachers, he puts Bajrangi, a person from different faith, at ease with his generous gesture. Meher Viz as the suffering mother of the lost child proves what an accomplished performer she is. Rajesh Sharma, as the tough Pakistani cop, who has a change of heart after knowing Bajrangi's truth is an equally powerful actor.

Kabir Khan deserves all praise for pulling off this narrative. There are numerous plot craters that threaten to derail the narrative but Kabir puts powerful emotions and deep meanings in various scenes to make up for the errors. He shows that non-violence is the only viable option to bridge gaps by making slightly stooping Bajrangi to walk with the stick just like Mahatma Gandhi. The Switzerland reference to Kashmir is a jibe at politicians who have made that beautiful valley the most dangerous place to live in.

In fact, all the comic scenes serve as satire against artificial differences created by people. Thus, the conjecture of Shahida's milk-white complexion as belonging to a Brahmin is a satire on inhuman caste system. When Bajrangi tells Chand Nawab that Lord Hanuman will protect him from anything, the latter asks, "Even in Pakistan?" This is a biting satire on narrow religious thinking. Kabir's genius is reflected in the parallelism of cricket teams and Shahida raising hands in religious gestures.

Pritam's music is ordinary. None of the songs is memorable.

I urge you not to miss this movie. There is no point in waiting for the DVDs to come out. Let go of your inhibitions and shed some tears. You can take your hankie along.

Feast for the eyes: Bahubali (review)

This review appeared in Republica on July 17, 2015.

http://myrepublica.com/lifestyle/item/24713-film-review-bahubali-feast-for-the-eyes.html

The redoubtable South Indian director SS Rajamouli's forte is fantasy and larger-than-life excess. While his grand vision was reflected in the epic Magadheera, Eega took the clichéd revenge story to the next level by fantasizing the fly taking on a human being. Now comes the granddaddy of them all in Bãhubali—a combination of revenge fantasy at a grandiose level. The special effects in the movie are simply jaw-dropping even if the story is a patchwork.

Set in an imaginative time and location, Bãhubali tells the story of Mahendra Bahubali better known as Shiva (Prabhas). Born to a blue-blooded family and raised by a tribal headman, Shiva's Lord Krishna reference is too easy to miss. The very first scenes of a woman carrying Shiva on her palm above water is an obvious tribute to Nanda carrying Krishna on a basket and crossing the Yamuna River on the day of his birth. Blood calls Shiva as he vies for scaling the imposing mountain of his locale and finding out what lies beyond. He gets the opportunity of finding the terra incognita at the drop of a mask that his intuition tells him to be a girl's. This archetypal journey of the hero to find his true lineage builds the story.


The girl turns out to be an accomplished bow-warrior Avantika (Tamannah) with hints of Hunger Games heroine Katniss Everdeen. Shiva makes her see the feminine side inside the tough warrior by disrobing her in a seductive scene that reminds one of a similar scene in The Mask of Zorro. Her feminine side revealed, Avantika falls in love with Shiva. Her life mission of releasing Queen Devasena (Anushka Shetty) from the clutches of evil king Bhallal (Rana Daggubati) of Mahismati Kingdom becomes Shiva's mission as well.

The first half of the movie unfolds at a leisurely pace as the background to the story and the characters are established. However, post-interval the plot gathers pace as Shiva goes to Mahismati. He makes his presence felt with superhuman power in propping up a huge statue of Bhallal Deva inspiring chants of Bahubali that gives Bhallal nightmares. Shiva manages to rescue Devasena chained to a wall in a dungeon, reminding of captive Sita of the Ramayana in Lanka whom Hanuman tries to rescue. Katappa (Satyaraj), the loyal minion to the crown, at first fights but later surrenders to Shiva once he realizes that he is up against the famed Bahubali. Then he tells the story of palace intrigues that has Mahabharata influence written all over it.

The film then takes the flashback route, and the climactic battle that established the legend of Bahubali is shown that make audience reminisce of Troy. The grand war of Mahismati against barbarians at the gate has been filmed in a grand manner. The strange language of the barbarians and their disgusting makeup has accentuated their evil. The swooping camerawork and war choreography has the vice-like grip in the audience. The brutal killings and beheadings remind the audience of 300. Thereafter, however, the movie ends abruptly and those without having prior knowledge that this is the first part of the two-part series are in for a shock.

The actors essay their role well. Prabhas and Rana Daggubati show off their well-toned muscles inviting wolf-whistles from the female audience. Besides all posturing, however, they demonstrate their acting chops with intensity. Prabhas, with his charming smile, reminds of great Rajnikanth. Ramya Krishnan as the feisty queen Shivagami is the strongest character. Shivaraj as the crown loyal too delivers a praiseworthy performance. Tamannah's histrionics, however, leaves much to be desired.

Some silly mistakes in the story could have been avoided, though. An accomplished warrior like Avantika being unaware of Shiva tattooing her sitting just over her is ludicrous. Shiva and Avantika's love story has been hurried and the song and dance interruption is jarring. The sequence of Shiva and Avantika running away from the avalanche on a makeshift toboggan feels a bogus.

The recounting of various influences and the shortcomings of the movie shouldn't make the reader think that it can be given a miss. It deserves a watch as Rajamouli's hard work (the movie took four years to complete) and his penchant for details pay off. Great amount of budget has been spent on grand sets that are pleasing to the eye. Beyond ostentatious display of grandeur, Rajamouli aims at the heart of the audience by lacing various scenes with emotions. These days when small scaled psychological dramas are dominating the screen, this majestic film manages to blow the mind of the audience who will surely leave the theater satisfied.

धार्मिक कलहको बीजारोपण

यो लेख "नागरिक" दैनिकमा असार २३, २०७२ मा  प्रकाशित भएको थियो :

http://nagariknews.com/opinion/story/41164.html

लामो समयको विवाद र तिक्तताबाट गुज्रिएको राजनीतिक संक्रमणकाल संविधान निर्माणसँगै टुंगिने छाँट देखिएको छ। प्रमुख ४ दलबीचको सहमतिमा बनेको १६ बुँदे दस्तावेजमा टेकेर संविधान सभाको संविधान मस्यौदा समितिले 'मस्यौदा संविधान' विचारार्थ प्रस्तुत गरेको छ।

यसमा सबै दलका फरक मत परेका छन्। संविधानका धेरै प्रावधानमा चित्त नबुझ्ने अनेकौँ विषय छन्। त्यसमध्ये धर्मनिरपेक्षताको सवालमा राखिएको गोलमटोल प्रावधानले भविष्यमा ठूलै विवाद जन्माउने सम्भावना छ।

सर्वप्रथम त नेपाल धर्मनिरपेक्ष राज्य हुनेछ भनेर भाग १ प्रारम्भिकको धारा ४ मा उल्लेख गर्नु आफैमा धोकेबाज काम हो। दोस्रो कुरा, जनआन्दोलनमा कुनै एजेन्डा नै नबनेको धर्मनिरपेक्षता प्रतिनिधि सभाको पुनर्जीवनसँगै रातारात पारित गरियो। जनतालाई यसबारे मत जाहेर गर्नसमेत दिइएन। संविधान सभाको पहिलो चुनावमा समेत दलहरूले यो एजेन्डा बनाएका थिएनन्, तर संविधान सभा गठनपछि गणतन्त्र र लोकतन्त्रसँगै यसलाई हुलेर जनताले धर्मनिरपेक्षताको समर्थन गरेका हुन् भनी पहिलो बैठकबाट पारित गरियो! यसरी जनतालाई छलछाम गरेर लादिएकोले 'धर्मनिरपेक्षता' विदेशीको हिन्दु धर्म मास्ने चाल हो भन्ने आरोपलाई पुष्टि गर्न पर्याप्त छ। धर्मनिरपेक्षता घोषणा भएसँगै चर्चहरूको संख्यामा निकै वृद्धि हुनु र कतिपय गाउँमा धार्मिक कलह देखापर्नुमा यही कुत्सित चालले काम गरेको छ।

हिन्दु धर्मलाई सखाप पार्नका लागि धेरै अघिदेखि नै षड्यन्त्र हुँदै आएको हो। २०४७ सालको संविधान जारी गर्दाका बखत नै धर्मनिरपेक्षता संविधानमा पार्नका लागि ठूलो पैरवी भएको थियो, तर त्यतिखेर यसले सफलता पाएन। माओवादी जनयुद्धकालमा हिन्दु धर्ममाथि आक्रमणका शृंखला नै चलाइए। कैयौँ मन्दिर तोडफोड गरिए भने पुजारीहरूमाथि भौतिक कारबाही भए। हिन्दु संस्कारमा बसेका किरियापुत्रीलाई कोरा बसेकै स्थानमा हत्यासमेत गरियो! नास्तिकतालाई आधारशिला बनाउने भौतिकवादी कम्युनिस्ट माओवादीले एउटा धर्मलाई मात्र किन तारो बनाए भन्ने कुरा घामजत्तिकै छर्लंग छ। शान्ति–सम्झौतापछि मूलधारको राजनीतिमा आएका माओवादीले आफूलाई विजेताको रूपमा प्रस्तुत गर्दै धर्मनिरपेक्षता लादे र कांग्रेस–एमालेले त्यसलाई चुपचाप स्वीकारे!

हिन्दु धर्मावलम्बीहरू सहनशीलताका लागि प्रसिद्ध छन्। त्यसैले ८१ प्रतिशत हिन्दु बसोबास गर्ने यो मुलुकमा कहिल्यै पनि धार्मिक दंगा भड्किन पाएन। यद्यपि, राष्ट्रविरोधी केही तŒवले नेपालगन्ज र कपिलवस्तुमा त्यसो गर्न नखोजेका हैनन्। यही सहनशीलताका कारण हिन्दुहरू धर्मनिरपेक्षताका विरुद्ध सडकमा ननिस्केका हुन्। जनता राजनीतिकरूपमा तीव्र ध्रुवीकृत छन्, त्यसकारण पनि धार्मिक सन्दर्भलाई लिएर ती सडक संघर्षमा उत्रिएनन्। अधिकांशको के अपेक्षा पनि रह्यो भने, अब बन्ने संविधानमा यो शब्द रहने छैन। तर, अहिले फेरि यसलाई घुसाएर आफूअनुकूल व्याख्या गर्ने प्रयास गरिँदैछ।

मस्यौदा संविधानको भाग ३, धारा ३१ मा 'धार्मिक स्वतन्त्रताको हकमा : (१) प्रत्येक व्यक्तिलाई आफ्नो आस्थाअनुसार धर्मको अवलम्बन, अभ्यास र संरक्षण गर्ने तथा कुनै धर्मबाट अलग रहने स्वतन्त्रता हुनेछ' भन्ने प्रावधान राखिएको छ। कुनै धर्मबाट अलग रहने स्वतन्त्रता भन्ने व्यवस्था किन गरिएको हो? कुनै नास्तिकले 'म कुनै पनि धर्म मान्दिन' भन्न पाउने स्वतन्त्रता हुन्छ भन्न खोजेको हो यो प्रावधानले? नेपालमा नास्तिकको संख्या कति नै छ र उनीहरूका लागि यो व्यवस्था गरिरहनु पर्योा? नास्तिकमाथि दमन कहिले भएको छ र यहाँ उनीहरूको हक स्थापित गरिरहनुपर्ने? बहुसंख्यक हिन्दुको चाहनालाई चाहिँ लत्याउने, तर सहरकेन्द्री एक–दुई नास्तिक बुद्धिजीवीलाई ध्यान दिने यो कस्तो कदम हो? त्यसमाथि अझ यो प्रावधानलाई अपव्याख्या गरेर धर्मपरिर्वनलाई कानुनले छुट दिएको भन्ने अर्थ नलगाइएला भन्ने कुनै निश्चितता छैन। हुन त त्यही धाराको उपधारा (३) मा 'कसैको धर्म परिवर्तन गराउने काम वा व्यवहार गर्न वा गराउन हुँदैन' भनिए पनि त्यसलाई छुट्टै उपधारामा नराखेर सार्वजनिक शान्ति भंग गर्ने अवस्थाभित्र घुसाइएकाले धर्मपरिवर्तनको खतराका बारेमा दलहरू गम्भीर छैनन् भन्ने देखिन्छ।

धर्म व्यक्तिगत विषय हो र कसैलाई पनि स्वविवेकका आधारमा कुनै पनि धर्म अपनाउने छुट हुन्छ। तर, नेपालमा व्याप्त गरिबीको फाइदा उठाउँदै प्रलोभन दिएर धर्म परिवर्तन गर्न लगाउने क्रिस्चियन मिसनरीको ठूलो सञ्जाल छ। क्रिस्चियन बनाउनका लागि अर्बौं खर्च गरिँदैछ। हिन्दु धर्मका जातिगत भेदभावजस्ता केही कमजोरीलाई चर्काएर धर्म परिवर्तनका लागि प्रेरित गर्ने खेलहरू खेलिँदैछ। परापूर्वकालदेखि चलिआएको सर्वधर्म समन्वयको मान्यतालाई छिन्नभिन्न पारेर संस्कृति विनाश गरी अफ्रिकी मुलुकहरू, विशेषगरी नाइजेरिया र बाल्कन मुलुकको जस्तो स्थिति यहाँ ल्याउन खोजिँदैछ।

वास्तवमा धर्मनिरपेक्षता युरोपेली 'सेकुलरिजम'को अनुवादमात्र हो। यसलाई युरोपको क्रिस्चियन इतिहासको आलोकमा हेर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ। युरोपेली पुनर्जागरणको युगमा धर्म र राज्य छुट्याइनुपर्ने माग उठेसँगै सेकुलरिजमको चर्चा चल्न थालेको हो। चर्चले राज्यका हरेक क्रियाकलापमा हस्तक्षेप गरेर शक्ति प्रदर्शन गर्ने गरेकाले चिढिएका बौद्धिकहरूले राज्यसँगको सहकार्यमा उसको प्रभाव कम गर्न सेकुलरिजमलाई बढावा दिए। वास्तवमा १८औँ शताब्दीअघि धर्मका लागि 'रिलिजन' शब्दसमेत प्रयोगमा आएको थिएन, बरु 'फेथ' भनिन्थ्यो। त्यसले हाम्रो सनातन परम्परामा धर्मले जस्तो व्यापक अर्थ दिन्थ्यो, तर अहिले साँघुरिएको अर्थमा रिलिजन प्रयुक्त हुन्छ अनि त्यसकै अनुवाद धर्म भनेर गरिन्छ। हाम्रोमा मन्दिर र राज्यको यस्तो शक्तिका लागि कहिल्यै द्वन्द्व भएन।

भारतमा धर्मनिरपेक्षताले सबै धर्मलाई राज्यले समान व्यवहार गर्ने अर्थ जनाउँछ। यो अर्थमा सबै धर्ममा रहेका आआफ्नै कानुनी संरचनालाई मान्यता दिनुपर्ने हुन्छ। त्यसैले भारतमा मुस्लिमको आफ्नै शरिया कानुन छ जसका अगाडि राज्यको कानुन दोस्रो ठहर्छ। यहाँ पनि त्यही माग उठ्न सक्ने सम्भावना हुन्छ। अनि बहुसंख्यक हिन्दुले कहिल्यै पनि धर्मलाई आधार लिएर मतदान नगर्ने, तर अल्पसंख्यक समूहले यही आधारमा मत दिने भएकाले भारतीय राजनीतिकर्मीले जहिले पनि भोट बैंकका लागि अल्पसंख्यकलाई प्रयोग गर्ने नीति लिइइरहे। बहुसंख्यक हिन्दुको डर देखाएर अनि विभिन्न आरक्षणको प्रलोभन देखाएर अल्पसंख्यकलाई आफ्नो दललाई मत दिन राजनीतिकर्मी सधैँ उद्यत् रहन्छन्। त्यसैले केही विद्वान्ले भारतको धर्मनिरपेक्षतालाई प्रच्छन्न धर्मनिरपेक्षता भनेका छन्। यस्तो तुष्टिकरणले धार्मिक तनाव फैलाउन मद्दत गर्छ जुन बारम्बार हुने हिन्दु–मुस्लिम दंगाले प्रमाणित गरेकै छ।

हाम्रो देशमा यही स्वरूपको धर्मनिरपेक्षताले धार्मिक कलह ननिम्त्याउला भन्न सकिन्न। संविधान सभाको चुनावमा नेपाल परिवार दल र जनजागरण पार्टी नेपाल भन्ने क्रिस्चियन पार्टीले समानुपातिकमा सिट ल्याउनेगरी भोट पाउनु र कपिलवस्तुमा एक स्वतन्त्र मुस्लिम उम्मेदवारले जित्नुमा धार्मिक आधारको मतदानले काम गरेको थियो। त्यसैगरी, राष्ट्रिय प्रजातन्त्र पार्टी नेपालले हिन्दु राज्यको मागको नारा राखेर भोट माग्दा काठमाडौँमा निकै मत ल्याएको थियो। यी घटनाक्रमले भविष्यको नेपालमा धर्मले राजनीतिक दिशानिर्देश गर्ने प्रारम्भिक संकेत गरेको छ।

धर्मनिरपेक्षता शब्दको सट्टा प्रस्ताव गरिएका धार्मिक स्वतन्त्रता र धार्मिक बहुलता भन्ने शब्दावली पनि सारमा उही कुरा हुन्। यसो भन्दै गर्दा धर्मनिरपेक्षताले एउटा मार्ग तय गरिसकेकाले अब यसलाई उल्ट्याउन गाह्रै हुनेछ। हिन्दु धर्म कायम गराइपाउँ भन्ने माग राख्नु अब व्यावहारिक नठहर्ला। बरु संविधान यसमा तटस्थ रहेर केही पनि नबोल्नु उचित हुन्थ्यो। तर, यहाँ त द्विअर्थी प्रावधान राखेर कलहको अवस्था निम्त्याइयो।

No to torture

This appeared in Republica on June 27, 2015.

http://myrepublica.com/opinion/item/23521-no-to-torture.html


On June 26 the world celebrated the International Day in Support of Victims of Torture. This is the day the world pays respect to torture survivors. Torture is said to be the mother of all human rights violations as it subjects people to the extreme form of indignity. Broken bodies might heal over time but the impressions they leave in the mind are indelible. Since human beings are extremely attached to their bodies any assault to the body haunts the memory for a long time.


Torture is practiced in police custody in Nepal, although with the intervention of rights activists it is on the wane. State mechanisms like Office of the Attorney General and National Human Rights Commission and lawyers from private organizations like Center for Victims of Torture, Advocacy Forum, among others, carry out detention center visits to check.

Generally, torture is employed by the police to extract confessions. Since our criminal investigation system lacks scientific tools to establish criminality, the police rely on confessions of the accused as evidence. Especially in the cases of theft the police are pressured to nab the criminal and recover the stolen property. The police see extracting confessions as the sure-shot way of sealing evidence. Although any confessions obtained from torture are inadmissible as evidence in the court, judges generally accept them.


The practice of torture was widespread during the conflict. Both the security forces and Maoists tortured detainees. The army and the police tortured detainees to have them disclose the location of Maoist rebels. Maoists, on the other hand, tortured those who failed to give extortion money they demanded or those who were suspected to be informers. With the peace agreement, torture has decreased.


There are various instruments to safeguard detainees from torture. The Interim Constitution of Nepal has explicitly prohibited torture. Article 26(1) has provided that “no person who is detained during investigation or for trial or for any other reason shall be subjected to physical or mental torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.” Besides this, Nepal is party to several international human rights instruments including Convention against Torture. Under Article 2 of this convention state parties are obligated to prevent torture and other ill-treatment and under Article 4 torture is an offense under criminal law.


A separate Act against torture also exists. Torture Compensation Act (1996) provides certain safeguards against torture but legal experts believe they are not adequate. For example, the statutory limit for filing complaints for torture is 35 days. This is not practical as the victim may fear reprisals from perpetrators or may be suffering physical or psychological trauma from torture. S/he should be given enough time to prepare for delivery of justice, possibly six months. However, the bruises from torture might disappear by that period.


The name of the Act itself is problematic. Rather than preventing torture it seems content to compensate torture victims. There is a provision of awarding Rs 100,000 to torture victims but since the state provides it and not the perpetrator. Even if there is a provision of departmental action against the perpetrator in police, this provision is rarely enacted. This has effectively let the perpetrator go scot free. But torture is subject to Universal Jurisdiction and the perpetrator can be nabbed in any part of the world, as seen in Colonel Kumar Lama’s arrest and trial in the UK.


Because of the inadequacy of the existing legal protection, the government has prepared a new bill to address torture. In August 2014 the Ministry of Home Affairs tabled the Torture or Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment (Offence and Punishment) Bill in the Parliament. This proposes to criminalize torture, to provide a mechanism for the investigation and prosecution of torture complaints, and compensation to victims. It puts the onus on officers in charge to prevent torture or ill-treatment and sets out a system of receiving complaints and investigation, including the possibility of detaining those under investigation. With the incorporation of these provisions torture in police detentions could be minimized.  


However, with the increase in custody monitoring, the police have started refraining from inflicting visible torture on detainees. According to Advocacy Forum’s latest torture report, the rate of victims reporting physical torture has decreased but psychological torture seems to be on the rise. “Threats against the detainee or the detainee’s family members increasingly are being reported to AF lawyers. These changes in the methods of torture may lead to torture being underreported, either because the detainee does not perceive threats and psychological manipulation as a form of torture, or because of the difficulty inherent in proving that psychological torture has occurred.”


This reflects the global trend in torture. Darius Rijali in his seminal book Torture and Democracy points at this trend in chilling details. In authoritarian countries the state is least worried about human rights activists and justice so that they have no hesitation in leaving scars and bruises on detainees. But democracies have to uphold minimum standard for treatment of detainees and thus resort to psychological torture that is undetected in medical examination.


Rejali observes “a global decline of the scarring techniques that characterized pre-modern torture. The evidence gleaned from human rights reports, truth and reconciliation commission testimonies, and perpetrators’ confessions confirms a shift toward stealth or clean torture.” Nepal Police seems to have adopted this technique. This is more dangerous than physical torture because it can damage the detainee’s psychology in the long term.


To prevent this form of torture, the state has to modernize its criminal investigative system. Standardized forensic practices in crime investigation will reduce the instances of the investigation officer relying on confessions to establish a crime. Similarly, scientific evidence obtained by thorough forensic evaluations can assist the examining authority in investigating, prosecuting and punishing each incident of torture. In the absence of forensic labs, sometimes torture victims can’t corroborate their claims of torture. This should be avoided. 

- See more at: http://myrepublica.com/opinion/item/23521-no-to-torture.html#sthash.EMOaivLm.dpuf

एमनेस्टीको गलत कदम

 यो लेख नागरिक दैनिकमा  असार ११, २०७२ छापिएको हो । 

http://nagariknews.com/opinion/story/40468.html


वरिष्ठ मानवअधिकारकर्मी तथा नेपाल शाखाका पूर्व सभापति कृष्ण पहाडीलगायत ९ जना पदाधिकारीले मानवअधिकारको क्षेत्रमा क्रियाशील अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय संस्था एमनेस्टी इन्टरनेसलबाट सामूहिक राजिनामा गरेपछि बेग्लै तरंग उत्पन्न भएको छ। विवादास्पद मधेसी बुद्धिजीवी सीके राउतलाई अप्रत्यक्ष समर्थन गरेको र नन्दप्रसाद अधिकारीको अनशन तथा त्यसैकारण भएको उनको मृत्युमा कुनै अडान नलिएको आरोप पहाडीले लगाएका छन्। यसको जवाफमा एमनेस्टीले राउतको क्रियाकलापलाई समर्थन नगरे पनि उनको अभिव्यक्ति स्वतन्त्रतालाई सम्मान गरेको भन्ने स्पष्टीकरण दियो। तर, यो स्पष्टीकरण चित्तबुझ्दो देखिँदैन।


पहिलो कुरा त, अभिव्यक्ति स्वतन्त्रता लोकतन्त्रको आधारशिला भए पनि यो निरपेक्ष हुन कदापि सक्दैन। एमनेस्टीले मान्ने गरेको मानवअधिकारको महत्वपूर्ण दस्तावेज नागरिक तथा राजनीतिक अधिकारसम्बन्धी अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय महासन्धिको धारा १९(३) ले राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षा तथा सार्वजनिक सद्भाव कायम राख्नका लागि कसैको व्यक्तिगत विचारमाथि अंकुश लगाउनसक्ने व्यवस्था गरेको छ। राउतले मधेसलाई नेपालबाट छुट्याउने अभियान लगातार चलाउँदै आएका छन् र त्यही क्रममा नेपाल राज्यविरुद्ध घृणा उत्पन्न हुने किसिमका अभिव्यक्ति पनि दिँदै आएका छन्। मधेसी र पहाडी समुदायबीच फाटो ल्याउन बल पुग्नेखालका उनका विवादास्पद अभिव्यक्ति सामाजिक सञ्जालमा आइरहन्छन्।

पटकपटक पक्राउ पर्दै अनि छुट्दै गरेका राउतले राज्य विप्लवको मुद्दामा विशेष अदालतबाट सफाइ पाएका थिए। उक्त मुद्दामा अभियोजन पक्षले आरोपको प्रमाण पुर्यारउन नसकेका कारण उनले सफाइ पाएको भए पनि उनका अभिव्यक्ति गैरकानुनी नै छन्। भूकम्पले घरबारविहीन बनाएकाहरूलाई तराईमा बसोबास मिलाउँदा मधेसीहरूलाई पहाडीले विस्थापित गर्ने षड्यन्त्र भएको देख्छन् उनी र त्यो रोक्नुपर्ने माग गर्छन्। मानवअधिकारको विश्वव्यापी घोषणापत्रको धारा १३ र नागरिक तथा राजनीतिक अधिकारसम्बन्धी अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय महासन्धिको धारा १२ ले सबै नागरिकलाई आफूले चाहेको स्थानमा बसोबास गर्ने अधिकार प्रदान गरेको छ। यो हक कुण्ठित गराउन चाहने राउतलाई प्रोत्साहन गर्ने एमनेस्टीले मानवअधिकारको कुन अभ्यास गर्दैछ नेपालमा?

नारीहरूप्रतिका राउतका कतिपय आपत्तिजनक अभिव्यक्तिले लैंगिक हिंसालाई बढावा दिन्छन्। सबै नेपाली नारीलाई अनि नेपाल आमालाई नै गणिकाको दर्जा दिने उनका भनाइ सभ्य समाजमा किमार्थ पाच्य ठहर्दैन। मधेसमा बसाइँ सरेका पहाडी महिला वेश्यावृत्तिमा संलग्न हुन्छन् भनी आरोप लगाउने राउतका तुच्छ अभिव्यक्तिलाई लैंगिक अधिकार र समानताका पक्षमा वकालत गर्ने एमनेस्टीजस्तो सम्मानित संस्थाले आँखा चिम्लेको कसरी सुहाउला!

लोकतन्त्रको उदारतालाई दुरुपयोग गरेर यसलाई आघात पुर्यासउन कोसिस गर्ने तत्वलाई ठेगान लगाउन 'लडाकु लोकतन्त्र' (मिलिट्यान्ट डेमोक्रेसी) को अवधारणा विकसित गरे जर्मन दार्शनिक तथा राजनीतिक सिद्धान्तकार कार्ल लोएन्स्टाइनले। उदार लोकतन्त्रले सबैलाई असीम स्वतन्त्रता दिँदा उग्रवादीसमेतले त्यसको फाइदा उठाउँछन्। अझ, संक्रमणकालमा त्यस्ता तत्वले झन् खेल्ने मौका पाउँछन्। नेपालमा पनि अहिले संक्रमणकाल चलिरहेको र राजनीति तरल अवस्थामा रहेको छ। त्यसैले यो बेलामा पूर्ण लोकतान्त्रिक आदर्शवाद व्यावहारिक ठहर्दैन, बरू न्यूनतम स्थिरता कायम गराउन लडाकु लोकतन्त्र उचित हुन्छ।

लडाकु लोकतन्त्रको अभ्यास विश्वका धेरै विकसित देशमा हुनेगरेका छन्। मार्क्स थिएलको पुस्तक 'द मिलिट्यान्ट डेमोक्रेसी प्रिन्सिपल इन मोडर्न डेमोक्रेसिज' मा विभिन्न देशमा कसरी यो सिद्धान्त लागु भएको छ भनी उल्लेख गरिएको छ। आफ्ना नागरिकको सुरक्षा, देशको अखण्डता, सार्वभौमसत्ता र स्वतन्त्रताको रक्षा गर्नु राज्यको दायित्व हो। यसले जनताको मौलिक हकलाई पनि रक्षा गर्नुपर्छ, तर दायित्वको सन्तुलनमा व्यक्तिगत हकलाई थाती राख्नसक्छ। राउतको अभिव्यक्ति स्वतन्त्रताको हक देशको अखण्डताको सवालभन्दा माथि हुनै सक्दैन।

वास्तवमा मानवअधिकारको डिस्कोर्सले जहिले पनि राज्यको तुलनामा व्यक्तिलाई महत्व दिनेगर्छ। राज्यले व्यक्तिको अधिकार उल्लंघन गर्छ भन्ने पूर्वाग्रहमा मानवअधिकार समुदाय चलिरहेको हुन्छ। अति आदर्शको चक्करमा परिरहेको यो समुदायले हकको सन्तुलन सिद्धान्तलाई बिर्सिदिन्छ। त्यसैकारण एमनेस्टीले देश टुक्राउन बल पुग्ने राउतको अभिव्यक्ति हकलाई यति महत्व दिएको हो।

पहाडी समुदायका केही विवेकहीन व्यक्तिले गरेको विभेदका सिकार भएकाले राउतमा उग्रता आएको हुनसक्छ। उनको आत्मकथा 'वैरागदेखि बचाव'सम्म पढ्दा उनले काठमाडौँमा तीता घटना भोग्नुपरेको पाइन्छ। तर, उनी आफ्नो प्रतिभाको बलमा वैज्ञानिक र लेखक बन्न सके र उनलाई राज्यले प्रतिभा तिखार्नमा कुनै बाधा पुर्यातएको देखिँदैन। केही व्यक्तिको उनीप्रतिको मूर्खतापूर्ण व्यवहारलाई उनले सम्पूर्ण समुदायमाथि नै थुपार्न मिल्दैन र यसैलाई मुद्दा बनाएर देशै टुक्राउने अभियान सञ्चालन गर्न कुनै पनि हालतमा मिल्दैन।

राउतको छुट्टै मधेसको प्रस्ताव आफैमा समस्याग्रस्त विषय हो। स्वायत्त मधेसमा मधेसीको हक स्थापित हुने भनिए पनि आदिवासी थारू तथा अल्पसंख्यक मुस्लिम समुदायको हकका बारेमा स्पष्ट खाका केही छैन। सबै थारूलाई मधेसी बनाउने र उनीहरूको पहिचान मेटाउने षड्यन्त्र भइरहेको भनी थारू नेताहरू शंका गरिरहेका छन्। पहाडी समुदायमाथि विष वमन गर्ने राउत र उनका सहयोगीहरूले आफूइतरका तराईबासी समुदायको भयलाई सम्बोधन गर्नेतर्फ कुनै ध्यान दिएका छैनन्– दिँदैनन्।

हाल विकसित देशहरूमा पहिचानको राजनीतिले संकट निम्त्याइरहेको भन्ने बहसले बौद्धिक वृत्तमा चर्चा कमाइरहेको छ। व्यक्तिलाई विभिन्न पहिचानका वर्गमा सीमित गरेर व्यक्तित्व विकासमा बाधा पुर्याौउने काम भइरहेको छ भनी विचारकहरूले चिन्ता व्यक्त गरिरहँदा विदेशीहरू यहाँचाहिँ जातीय पहिचानको राजनीति चर्काउन खोज्दैछन्। यस्तो विभाजनकारी काम गर्न पाउँदा उनीहरू आफ्नो स्वार्थसिद्धि सहज हुने ठान्छन्। अनि पहिचानवादी भनिन रुचाउनेहरू त्यसैलाई अनुसरण गरेर रमाइरहेका छन्! एकात्मक राज्यले पहिचान हरण गरेको तर्क दिनेहरूले आफ्नो गौरवपूर्ण भाषा र संस्कृतिलाई उत्थान गर्नेभन्दा जातिवादी राज्य स्थापित गरेर इतर जातिलाई दबाउने चेष्टा गर्दैछन्। राउत पनि त्यही समूहका नाइके भएकाले उनको उदयबाट आममधेसीलाई भन्दा पनि उनका विदेशी प्रभुलाई फाइदा पुग्ने देखिन्छ।

नेपाल राष्ट्रको अखण्डता र नेपालीबीचको सद्भाव कायम राख्नका लागि सिके राउत प्रवृत्तिलाई निरुत्साहित गर्नैपर्छ। उनलाई उक्साउने राष्ट्रिय तथा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय संघ–संस्थाका क्रियाकलापमा सरकारले अंकुश लगाउनैपर्छ। हुन त राज्यले सबै समुदायलाई बराबर महत्व दिएर कसैप्रति पनि विभेद नहुने प्रत्याभूति गर्नुपर्ने हो, जसले गर्दा राउतजस्ता उग्रवादी नजन्मिउन्। अनि एमनेस्टीजस्ता संस्थाले पनि कस्ता व्यक्तिलाई समर्थन गर्ने अनि कस्तालाई वास्ता नगर्ने भन्ने कुरामा विवेक पुर्यामउनु जरुरी छ। भूकम्पपछिको समयमा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय गैरसरकारी संस्थाका क्रियाकलापमाथि प्रश्न उठिरहेको बेलामा एमनेस्टी जस्तो संस्थाले आफ्नो साख बचाउनु जरुरी हुन्छ।

Dispute deferred

This article appeared in Republica on June 15, 2015.

http://myrepublica.com/opinion/item/22804-dispute-deferred.html

The 16-point deal among four major parties has raised hope of a constitution. Poles apart and bitterly divided for a long time, the parties reached an agreement after the country faced great devastation in the wake of the April 25 earthquake. The unity and solidarity shown by Nepali people in the aftermath of the quake even amidst government apathy must have shamed leaders to iron out differences. UCPN (Maoist) Chair Prachanda and CPN-UML Chair KP Oli, who couldn't see eye to eye and constantly traded insults against each other, warmed up and backed down from their rigid positions. Prime Minister Sushil Koirala also let go of his adamant stance of incorporating the term "pluralism" in reaching the current deal.
But the picture is not rosy yet. Apparently the deal has been reached to deliver the constitution, but the real intention of the major leaders is to be part of the lucrative reconstruction process post-quake. Sushil Koirala government received widespread condemnation for its sluggish approach to relief delivery in quake affected areas, so much so that even after a month of the quake people in certain hinterlands had yet to see any relief materials. The mismanagement and allegations of wrongdoing tarred the government image more. Finance Minister and Home Minister fought with each other to hold command of relief process. The personal secretary of the Finance Minister resigned from his post after allegations of ferrying zinc sheets meant for quake victims to his home with the intention of selling them.

Seizing this opportunity, KP Oli, eying the PM post, wasted no time in criticizing the government sluggishness, conveniently forgetting that his loyal comrade Bamdev Gautam is in charge of the influential Home Ministry and shoulders equal blame. Oli was being impatient for the post for long as his party had struck a "gentleman's agreement" with the Nepali Congress that CPN-UML would lead the government after the promulgation of the constitution.

Adoption of the fast track route and summary process of constitution making would pave way for UML to ascend the throne with possible help from UCPN (Maoist) as Prachanda, who wants to emerge as the kingmaker after the second Constituent Assembly (CA) poll debacle, has assured his backing to Oli. This would drive the wedge between the ruling coalition and Prachanda will seize the opportunity to play his role. Be that as it may, given his proximity with the southern neighbor establishment, Oli seems all set to become the next PM.

Nepali Congress, on the other hand, is trying hard not to lose power at any cost and turn the incumbent government into a national unity government under its leadership. The PM seems to be in two minds. On the one hand, he seems to want to be remembered as the executive head under whose tenure the constitution got promulgated. He may even be offered the post of the country's President by CPN-UML. But he too doesn't want to be left out of the reconstruction process. If he is able to handle that process well, his legacy will be written in golden letters of the country's history.

However, it would be better if the PM honored the agreement with the UML and stepped down rather than opting to head a national government. NC should take the role of a strong opposition. Fickle voters didn't learn the lesson from the CA-I polls to give any single party the majority in CA-II polls, so there is no reason for the NC to perpetuate the uneasy coalition with UML (it was unnatural as well because the biggest and the second biggest party generally don't make a coalition government).

Moreover, democracy becomes strong when there are checks and balances against government authoritarianism and a strong opposition can warn it against any misdeeds. One of the reasons why Maoists went into a further slump was that they didn't assert the strength as the opposition to the government's anti-people decision of hiking consumer good prices; rather they seemed to collude with the government. That caused their shameful loss in by-elections. If NC is assertive in its opposition role and takes the opportunity to go to the people and deliver them succor, it can win a comfortable majority in the next parliamentary election.

This political tug of war, however, has exacerbated the contentious issue of federalism although the recent deal seems to have put a lid on the can of worms. The major bone of contention between the parties was/is the issue of federalism and the real deal has been deferred to the yet-to-be-formed Federal Commission. Explosion is imminent after the promulgation of the constitution once the Commission starts functioning. Some fringe parties have taken offense exactly on this deferral charging the four major parties of bypassing the sovereign CA to allocate names and boundaries of the provinces. But since they have not got people's backing—they were ignominiously drubbed in the second CA elections—their voices may not amount to anything substantial.

However, since the issue has not been completely addressed as yet, federalism can still put Nepali politics in limbo for a long time. Many years will be wasted before this issue is settled. It is noteworthy that federalism and secularism were never the agendas of Janandolan-II. Democratic and left parties were fighting against their common enemy—monarchy—but the issue of federalism had not been floated. Although the Maoists, during the so-called People's War, had incited people that the unitary system had been responsible for the entrenched inequality and the solution lied on federating the country the issue gained traction only after the Madhesh uprising.

Hot on the heels of the uprising, Maoists tried to cash in on the issue by supporting even ethnic federalism proposed by Madheshis and Janajatis that has the potential of sowing seeds of ethnic strife. Nepali Congress and CPN-UML were hesitant on federalism, but nonetheless agreed to make it their party agenda fearing the loss of votes in the CA polls which they did regardless.

The logical settlement of federalism issue will put the wayward politics back on track. But that seems unlikely as the Federal Commission may meet the fate of several commissions of the yore—submitting its report but not having its recommendations implemented. Political appointments will compromise the integrity of the Commission.

Federalism will prove to be an expensive experiment for a poor country. The better solution would be improved decentralization with strong local governance whose benefits reaches the remotest and the most underprivileged part of the country. The federalism backers didn't allow local elections to be held of whose necessity everyone felt in the aftermath of the earthquake as it would have ensured accountability. If we go beyond the shrill rhetoric of a handful of leaders, the majority of the population opposes federalism. Let there be a referendum to settle this contention for once and all.

Poetic picture: A Review of Abhaya Kumar's "Jatra"

This appeared in Republica on June 12, 2015.

http://myrepublica.com/the-week/item/22601-book-review-poetic-picture.html

Abhaya Kumar wears many hats- a diplomat, an artist and a poet. How these professions and interests converge in a single personality leave one baffled. I have known Kumar to be person in deep love with poetry, given his enraptured state in listening to good poems. This quality is emblematic of his large heartedness and that quality rare in modern people—empathy.


I evoke the word empathy after going through his latest poetic offering "Jatra". In the collection, elegantly translated into Nepali by veteran journalist and writer Kishor Nepal, Kumar vividly paints the poetic picture of Kathmandu through the perspective of the architectures and tourist sites. The poet injects life into the inanimate objects by entering into them in the glorious tradition of the Eastern philosophy that takes everything in the world to be part of the same over-soul. By taking this route of empathy, Kumar veers away from the ordinary onlooker in that his is not that objectifying gaze for general pleasure but of a person losing himself in the ananda of God's creation.

Kumar's tenure as a diplomat in Kathmandu has proved to be a blessing for the city as readers have been privileged to experience its beauty and grandeur in the mellifluous diction employed by him to perfection. The artist in Kumar has channelized his expression to poetry and presented the picture of Nepal's national heritages, different traditional processions, places of natural beauty and eminent personalities. Those who are still to visit Nepal will get a vivid image of the country and those who have been living here will learn the hidden meanings of the tourist sites that they took for granted.

Kathmandu's exoticness is enhanced with its medieval warren of alleys, Hindu temples and Buddhist stupas, and Kumar describes them with vigor. He hears ancient songs in birds' melodious chirpings and imagines the world stopping still in awe of the craftsmanship of the local artisans in Patan. The Valley's artisans appreciate the finer things of life and it is reflected in the lavish temples in front of which the human appears puny, as Kumar expresses in "Bhaktapur". Basantapur Durbar Square in the heart of old Kathmandu city never fails to impress visitors with its intricate wood carvings and rich history. Here, Kumar observes Lord Shiva in his ferocious Kalbhairav form, playing with birds, living beings and demons and the living Goddess Kumari stealing glances at mysterious Tantric idols.

The poems extolling the virtues of Valley architecture are relevant now more than before as the recent earthquake razed them to the ground. These monuments can never be remade in their original form, even if Nepalis are eager about the reconstruction. Lest the post-quake generation forget these manmade beauties, Kumar has beautifully captured them in his poems. The immortality of art has helped preserve the image of the toil of our god-gifted artisans for generations to come.

Once the poet moves out of the Valley to visit the hill stations in the lap of the Himalayas, his disdain against unmanaged urbanization gets expressed. Sitting atop the Daman hill, he sees the concrete jungle of Kathmandu and excoriates the wrong notion people have of civilization. He is hurt by the people's irresponsible littering of plastic bags in Lakuri Bhanjyang. However, he is not content in passing judgment and loses himself into the beauty of nature. The birds and animals in Shivapuri forest, the land appearing as the piece of the moon in Mustang, the silence of the Bardiya forest, the calm flow of the Marsyangdi River in Bandipur, the misty mountains of Bhedetar—all these places of natural beauty have come into life in the poems. His poetry is most redolent of the earthy smell as many places in Nepal have remained unscathed by the encroachment of modernity. Given the simplicity and lyrical quality of his poems, Kumar manages to evoke variegated emotions in the reader, with sheer lyrical spontaneity and subjective honesty.

That Kumar breathes life into monuments has already been discussed above. What about people in his poems? He has built portraits of Nepali cultural icons with fresh vision. The whole world praises the Gautam Buddha but before achieving Buddhahood, the prince of Kapilvastu was an ordinary man. Kumar imagines the feelings of Siddhartha at the time of leaving his family and even the sorry state of Tilaurakot as he left the place forever. By imagining Buddha's sorrows on the haphazard state of Lumbini garden, one can detect Kumar's satire on Nepali authorities who trumpet around the world that Buddha was born in Nepal yet do not bother to keep his birthplace beautiful. He describes Bhanubhakta, Laxmi Prasad Devkota, BP Koirala, Araniko and Narayan Gopal's glorious contribution to Nepali culture and indirectly expresses pains about Nepali people's apathy towards these eminent personalities.

Kumar's verses transcend the ordinary and transport the reader to the heart of the universe. These deceptively simple poems are pregnant with philosophical meanings that transpire only after multiple readings and deep cogitation. It is more than obvious that Kumar is in a state of rapture while creating these verses and he is successful in sharing the taste of that creative elixir with the reader. Italian artist Tarshito's sketches have added aesthetic depth to the book.

Aid anomalies

This appeared on May 19, 2015 in Republica.

http://myrepublica.com/opinion/item/21123-aid-anomalies.html

The unmanaged relief delivery in the aftermath of the Great Earthquake has exposed faults of both national and international aid organizations.These organizations have largely focused on short-term measures and victims' real needs have been ignored.

Recently I visited Chhap village in Rasuwa district that was severely affected by the quake. None of the houses was fit to live in. The villagers are staying in community hall of a local cooperative, which has several cracks. They rush out in panic after each tremor. Several governmental and non-governmental organizations have visited the village with sacks of rice. Not all of it is healthy to eat. For example, the rice provided by the Nepal Food Corporation and distributed through the Village Development Committee office had crossed expiry date. NFC is notorious for hoarding rice sacks in its go-downs and failing to deliver it to the needy on time. Similar was the case with World Food Program's rice. Even the tarpaulins were substandard. The black tarps were brittle. Since villagers have been cooking food under those tarps, they melt by the heat. During rainfall, these tarps are useless.
Despite living in such adverse conditions, the villagers have kept their spirits high. Their lands are intact and they are ready to toil in the fields. When asked of their demands, they told us that they needed zinc sheets so that they could prepare temporary shelters, and then they would build their own homes. They asked relief organizations and private volunteers to provide them zinc sheet or sturdy tents, like the ones used by the International Red Cross as they don't want to live under tarp forever, but those organizations would not listen.Voluntary donors that arrive at the village bring with them cheap noodles, biscuits and beaten rice. Volunteers who love showing off in social media have visited affected villages with cheap food and have rubbed on victims' wounds.

This village is not far from highway;that is why relief workers reached there in big hordes. But inhabitants of remote villages in this and other districts haven't yet seen any visitors with relief materials. The foreign donors have been reluctant to coordinate with local disaster management authorities and are distributing relief on their own. This has led to duplication of relief at settlements near highway while villagers in remote parts have got nothing. The National Human Rights Commission had raised concern about this.There are cases of desperate locals wielding khukuris and looting relief material. Donors prefer to go to accessible villages about which their local contact informs them.

The reluctance of foreign organizations to work with government authorities has raised concerns about their motive.It has been found that most money allocated to relief efforts goes back to donor countries in the form of exorbitant consultant fees and other overhead costs. Not all of the extraordinary amounts pledged translate into relief.Dubious practice of putting Bibles among relief materials and the surge in the number of roaming proselytizers have strengthened people's fear that these donors might be culturally invading their territory. The rapid opening of job vacancies for disaster management in international volunteer organizations based in Nepal makes one question whether they are trying to "projectize" to prolong their stay here.

Their focus on distributing sanitary pads and wash kits rather than seeds and fertilizers along with homemaking materials feeds the commoners' fear.

Fears of Nepal meeting Haiti's fate are not unfounded. Due to flooding of aid organizations in the aftermath of Haiti earthquake in 2010, the locals became lazy. Rather than working in the fields, they looked to aid materials to meet their needs, which they got in plenty. Many of them never bothered to build their own houses. The result is that around 250,000 people are still living in temporary camps. In several quake-affected districts in Nepal, it has been found that people rush to the streets abandoning work in the fields whenever they see vehicles carrying relief materials.

But at the same time many other victims have stopped looking for relief and started to work on their own.Even when relief materials are not enough for the displaced, they distribute these materials among themselves equitably. Even the children have learnt from elders to judiciously distribute things and keep them safe.Many victims have realized that it would be foolish to look up to government to take care of them forever. A large number of people have lost everything and the poor state cannot heed everyone. That is why survivors have started taking relief materials as well as making full use of undamaged local crops and woods.

To keep the spirit of the commoners alive, the need of a strong government is sorely felt. Despite the experts' warning that the "Big One" could strike the country any time, our government didn't prepare. This lack of preparation hampered timely delivery of relief. Since local elections have not been held for the last 15 years, there were no local elected representatives who would have known every house in the ward or the village and coordinated with relevant stakeholders to deliver relief to the needy.

However, all is not lost. There is plenty to learn from this disaster. The government can coordinate with all stakeholders to immediately deliver necessary materials like tarpaulins, tents, edible foods, clean water, and medicines to the needy. This will restore victims' faith in the government and help stop foreign elements from meddling.

Foreign donors didn't want to donate their money in the Prime Minister Disaster Relief Fund citing that it would be misused;and slow delivery, given Nepal's ponderous bureaucracy and red tapism. To alleviate such fears, the government should make all transactions transparent and cut red tape.Unnecessary expenditure in the form of overhead costs must be minimized.

Almost 30 percent of annual development budget remains unspent every year. All that unspent money can be used for reconstruction. PM Sushil Koirala has requested all countries to open their tills for rehabilitation and reconstruction. He should also ensure that this money would be used judiciously. The survivors need encouragement to build their homes and till their own lands. They don't want to live under tents and look for relief, forever.